Early Britain

By Alfred Church

The Pergamum Collection publishes books history has long forgotten. We transcribe books by hand that are now hard to find and out of print.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Charles River Editors
• Release date: Mar 22, 2018
• ISBN: 9781629212579

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CHAPTER I.BRITAIN BEFORE THE ROMANS

Sometime in the fourth century B.C. Pytheas, a native of Massilia (Marseilles) visited the island of Britain. He traveled over a considerable part of it and found that it consisted, for the most part, of forest or marsh. But there were open spaces in the woods in which sheep and cattle were kept, and there was a strip of land along the coast, or, at least, part of the coast, in which the traveler saw wheat growing, This wheat, the traveler says, the natives threshed, not on open floors, but in barns, because they had so little sunshine and so much rain. As he went further north he found that corn could not be grown. The natives made intoxicating drinks, he tells us, out of corn and honey.

The island was inhabited, probably at this time, and certainly afterwards when we reach the historical period, by two races of men. Tacitus, writing about the end of the first century of our era, says that the physical character of the inhabitants of Britain differs much. One part of them he speaks of these under the name of Silures had dark complexions, and, for the most part, curly hair. These he identified with the Iberians, or inhabitants of Spain. The other part, he says, resembled the Gauls. They had red hair, and were tall of stature.

Caesar, of whom we shall hear more in the following chapters, writing about a century and a half before Tacitus, gives testimony to much the same effect that the interior of Britain was inhabited by a race which considered itself to be indigenous, the sea-coast by another people which, in search of adventure or booty, had crossed over from Belgic Gaul. This people, he tells us, still retained the names by which its various tribes were known on the mainland.

So far we may consider ourselves to be on firm ground. When we attempt to advance further we find ourselves at a loss. Who were these Iberians and Gauls?

Some would identify the Iberians with the race still found in the extreme north of Europe, and known by the names of Lapps and Finns, This theory may with little or no hesitation, be set aside. It is more reasonable to see their kindred in the Bretons, occupying the extreme north-west of France, and the Basques of Northern Spain, two populations which still represent the Aquitani, the third of three races into which Caesar divides the inhabitants of ancient Gaul. The Gauls of Britain, on the other hand, are identified beyond all doubt with the Gauls of the Continent, and with the Belgic stock of this people.

It is a well known fact that in the ancient British burial-places burial places dating from before the time of the Roman invasion two very distinct types of skull are found, one being broad and the other long. The same observation has been made of remains of the same date in France. It has been further inferred from the character of the weapons and articles of domestic use found in these graves that the long-headed men were the ruder race. And it has been suggested that the short-headed men, with their superior weapons, drove out the earlier occupants, this dispossession being the movement spoken of by Caesar when he says that the Belgian Gauls crossed over from the mainland and occupied the maritime parts of the island. There is a tempting neatness in the hypothesis that the long headed Britons were Iberians, the short-headed Belgian Celts. But facts do not exactly harmonize with this theory. As Professor Huxley remarks, the extremes of long and short-headedness are to be met with among the fair inhabitants of Germany and of Scandinavia at the present day the South-western Germans and the Swiss being markedly broad-headed, while the Scandinavians are as predominantly long-headed. Happily the subject may be left with this statement. It does not fall within the province of one who writes the story of a country to deal with the prehistoric.

We may pass on to other information that Caesar has to give us about the inhabitants of Britain. After giving his view of their origin, he goes on, The population is numerous beyond all counting, and very numerous also the houses. These closely resemble the houses of the Gauls. They have great numbers of cattle. They use copper or copper coin or bars of iron, carefully made to a certain weight, as money. Tin is found in the inland parts; iron near the coast, but the quantity of this is but small. They have timber of all the kinds found in Gaul except the fire and the beech. They hold it unlawful to eat hare, chicken, or goose. Still they rear these animals for the sake of amusement. Of all the Britons those that inhabit Kent are by far the most civilized (Kent is a wholly maritime region). These, indeed, differ but little from the Gauls in habits of life. Many of the inland Britons do not grow corn, but live on milk and flesh, and are clothed in skins. All the Britons stain their persons with a dye that produces a blue color. This gives them a more terrible aspect in battle. They wear their hair long, shaving all the body except the head and upper lip. Ten or twelve men have their wives in common; brothers very commonly with brothers and parents with children. The offspring of each wife is reckoned to belong to the husband who first married her.

The iron found near the sea-coast probably came from the iron fields of Sussex, which were worked down to the end of the seventeenth century, when they ceased to be profitable, owing to the greater facilities for smelting afforded by the coal fields of the midland and northern counties. The tin had long been worked in Cornwall, and exported thence to the Continent. The Cassiterides, or Tin Islands, is probably a name given by people unacquainted with the true geography of Britain to this region. Tin was exported from it as early as the fifth century B.C., for Herodotus (484-407) speaks of the Cassiterides from which tin comes to us, though he disclaims all knowledge of them.

That the Britons were governed by kings, one or other of which from time to time, acquired more or less authority over the others, we may learn from Caesar. The same writer tells that they had a powerful priesthood, which bore the name of the Druids. His account of this class is as follows:

They are concerned with religious matters, perform sacrifices offered by the State and by private individuals, and interpret omens. Many of the youth resort to them for education and they are held in high honor by the Gauls, They have the decision in nearly all the disputes that arise between States and individuals; if any crime has been committed, if any person has been killed, if there is any dispute about an inheritance or a boundary, it is the Druids who give judgment; it is they who settle the rewards and punishments. Any private person or any tribe refusing to abide by their decision is excluded from the sacrifice. This is the heaviest punishment that can be inflicted; for those so excluded are reckoned to belong to the godless and wicked. All persons leave their company avoid their presence and speech, lest they should be involved in some of the ill-consequences of their situation. They can get no redress for injury and they are ineligible to any post of honor. The Druids have a president, who exercises supreme authority among them. On his death the next highest to him in rank succeeds. If there are several who are equal, one is chosen by a general vote. Sometimes there is a conflict about the succession. The system of the Druids is supposed to have been invented in Britain, and to have been introduced from that country into Gaul. To this day those who are anxious to make themselves more completely acquainted with it frequently visit the island for the purpose of study. The Druids do not serve in a campaign, and do not pay taxes along with their fellow countrymen. They are exempted from all civil duties as well as from military service. Privileges so great induce many to submit themselves voluntarily to this education; many others are sent by their parents and kinsfolk. These pupils are said to learn by heart a vast number of verses. Some, in consequence, remain under teaching for as many as twenty years. The Druids think it unlawful to commit this knowledge of theirs to writing (in secular matters and in public and private business they use Greek characters). This is a practice which they have, I think, adopted for two reasons. They do not wish that their system should become commonly known, or that their pupils, trusting in written documents, should less carefully cultivate their memory; and, indeed, it does generally happen that those who rely on written documents are less industrious in learning by heart, and have a weaker memory. The Druids’ chief doctrine is that the soul of man does not perish, but passes after death from one person to another. They hold that this is the best of all incitements to courage as banishing the fear of death. They have much also to say about the stars and their motions, about the magnitude of the heavens and the earth, about the constitution of nature, about the power and authority of the immortal gods. Arid this they communicate to their pupils.

If does not seem likely that the Druidical system really came from Britain into Gaul, if it is the fact that the Celtic inhabitants of the island came from the mainland. It has been suggested that in Caesar’s time the Druid power had become weakened in Gaul, where the system of civil government was superseding that of the priests, but that in Britain, as being a less civilized country, it still retained its old predominance. The stone circles, of which Stonehenge is the most famous and perfect example, but which are found ‘scattered over Great Britain and North-western France, are commonly supposed to have been seats of Druid worship. The word Druid is generally referred to the Greek word for an oak.

CHAPTER II.CAESAR IN BRITAIN

In the year 55 B.C. Caius Julius Caesar, who had been appointed four years before to a five years’ command in Gaul, had conquered the whole of that country. The conquest, indeed, was not as complete as he seems to have imagined. Again and again the people rose against him, and five years more of fighting were required before the work could be said to have been thoroughly done. Still towards the end of the campaigning season in 55 he had carried his arms as far as the Ocean on the west, the Channel on the north, and the Rhine on the east. He had even crossed the Rhine, and ravaged the territory of certain German tribes beyond it. Then, after the manner of conquerors, he looked about for fresh enterprises in which to employ his troops and it occurred to him to invade the neighboring island of Britain. One of his reasons, as he states it himself in his Commentaries (i.e., Notes on his Campaigns), was that he had found that the natives of Britain were in the habit of assisting the Gaul in their resistance to his armies. It may, however, be doubted whether this consideration weighed much with him. With the Channel commanded, as it was, by Roman fleets, the Britons could have given but very little help to their neighbors across the sea. The summer was nearly over, but he thought that there would be time for what may be called a reconnaissance in force. Information about the island, its population, harbors, &c., which he had hitherto tried in vain to get, might thus be acquired, and would be useful in case he should see fit to make afterwards a more regular expedition. His first step was to send one Volusenus to reconnoiter the country. While he was awaiting his return, envoys arrived from several of the British tribes offering submission. He received them courteously, encouraged them to persevere in their good resolutions, and sent them back, in company with one Commius, a friendly Gaul, with the message that he should soon come in person to receive the submission of their countrymen. In four days’ time Volusenus came back, having learnt, as Caesar sarcastically remarks, as much as was possible for one who had never ventured to leave his ship. Meanwhile Caesar had been busy preparing the means of transport. Eighty merchant ships were collected. These, with such ships of war as he had at command, would, he judged, be sufficient to carry across his army. But he had also eighteen other vessels, which were set apart for the transport of the cavalry. The force which he proposed to employ consisted of two legions.

He set sail on the 27th of August, about three o’clock in the morning. At ten o’clock he sighted land, probably somewhere near Dover. The coast, he observed, was lined with tinned forces of natives, and the hills (by which, doubtless, he means cliffs) were so near to the sea, that a javelin could easily be thrown from them on to the shore. The place therefore seemed unsuitable for landing. Accordingly he cast anchor, and waited till three o’clock in the afternoon for the rest of the fleet to come up. Meanwhile the higher officers were summoned to meet on his ship and received instructions for their conduct of the landing of the troops. When all stragglers had come up, he gave the signal to weigh anchor, and having wind and tide in his favor, moved seven miles northward, probably to the neighborhood of Deal, where the shore was level.

As soon as the Roman ships began to move, the Britons followed them along the coast, the cavalry and chariots galloping on in advance. The landing was not affected without great difficulty. The ships drew so much water that they could not come very near to the land, and the soldiers, heavily weighted as they were with their arms and armor had to jump off into deep water, get what footing they could among the breakers, and so make their way to land. The enemy, on the other hand, either standing on dry ground, or advancing a little way into the water, harassed them with showers of missiles. It is not to be wondered at that, under these circumstances, the Roman legionaries did not show quite as much alacrity and dash as they were accustomed to display in battles on land. Their general did what he could to help and encourage them. He detached the ships of war from the rest of the fleet, and used them to make a diversion on the flank of the enemy. Their decks were manned with slingers and archers and there were also catapults of the light, movable kind. A sharp fire was kept up on the Britons, who began to retreat out of range, and left clear the approach to the shore. Still the difficulty of the deep water remained. While the soldiers were hesitating to jump, the officer who carried the eagle of the tenth legion set them the example. After a brief prayer that his act might turn out well for the legion, he cried with a loud voice, Leap down, men, unless you wish to betray your eagle to the enemy; I shall certainly have done my duty to my country and my general. The same moment he leapt boldly into the water, and began to struggle shore wards, holding the eagle in his hands. The soldiers in his ship to a man followed his example, and these again were backed up by the rest of the army.

Still there was a fierce struggle before a landing could be affected. The Romans could scarcely find a footing. As for keeping their ranks or following their standards, it was impossible. The enemy, on the other hand, who not only had the stronger position, but also knew the ground thoroughly, attacked them with every advantage on their side. Nevertheless their resistance was ineffectual. Caesar manned the boats belonging to the ships of war, and sent them to give help at any spot where he observed his troops in danger of being overpowered. When once dry land was gained the day, of course, was won. Indeed, the Britons at once took to flight, and Caesar laments that for lack of cavalry he could not pursue them. This was the one thing, he says, speaking, according to custom, in the third person, that was wanting to Caesar’s old good fortune.

In the course of a day or two the Britons sent envoys to negotiate for peace, and with the envoys came Commius the Gaul. He had been roughly treated and imprisoned, and had not been released till after the Roman victory. The envoys threw the blame of this violation of law upon the common people, whom they sought to excuse by pleading their ignorance. Caesar professed him ready to overlook the offence, while he demanded hostages for their good behavior in the future. Some of these were at once handed over to him; the rest, it was explained, belonged to distant parts of the country and a few days must pass before they could be brought.

On the 30th of August the ships with the cavalry on board hove in sight. But when they were within a short distance of the shore, the weather suddenly changed. Some were driven back to the port from which they had sailed others were carried along the coast for some distance to the westward. Here they attempted to anchor, but the sea was too rough, and they were compelled to return to Gaul.

The same night another disaster happened to the expedition. It was the time of the full moon, and, consequently, of the spring tides. About spring and neap tides, the Romans, accustomed to their own tideless sea, knew nothing, and they had made no preparations. The ships of war, which had been drawn up on land, were filled with water; the merchant ships, which were at anchor, probably without the necessary length of cable, were greatly damaged by the unexpected rise of the tide, accompanied, as it seems to have been, by some rough weather. Many were wrecked the rest lost much of their tackling, and, for the present, were rendered useless. There was, of course, great consternation in the camp. There were no means, it seemed, of getting back to the continent, while no provision had been made for a stay.

The Britons were quite as much alive to the importance of what had happened as the Romans themselves. Without ships, without cavalry, and without corn, the enemy, they thought, were helpless. They had had time also to estimate their force from the dimensions of the camp. It could not, they knew, be very large, and as the troops had been brought over with but little baggage, and so could be packed closely together, they believed it to be smaller than it really was. The hope sprang up that they might be able to destroy the invading army altogether. To inflict such a blow, they imagined, would be to prevent another invasion of the island for many years to come. Accordingly, the chiefs who had assembled at the camp found pretexts for leaving it. While fresh forces were brought down from the interior to the coast.

Caesar, though without positive knowledge of what was on foot, had his suspicions. The disaster to the ships would, he knew, raise the hopes of the Britons and he found, at the same time, that no more hostages were brought into the camp. He lost no time in preparing for the two contingencies of retreat, and wintering in the island. Twelve of the ships that had suffered most damage were broken up, and the others were repaired with the metal and timber that were thus made available. The soldiers worked with so good a will that in a few days a sufficiently serviceable fleet was ready.

Meanwhile the work of provisioning the camp had been busily carried on, and, as yet, without hindrance. Everything indeed looked peaceful. The population was at work as usual in the fields, and visitors went in and out of the camp. But one day when one of the two legions had, according to custom, gone out to collect corn, Caesar was informed by the pickets that an unusually large cloud of dust could be seen in the direction which the legion had taken. He at once guessed what had happened, and taking with him the cohorts on guard, while he ordered all the other available troops to follow, hastened to the relief of the foragers. He found them beset by the enemy and in no small danger. The Britons had guessed what direction the foraging party would take. Only one spot remained where the corn had not been reaped, and it was in the woods that adjoined this that they laid their ambuscade. The Romans, suspecting no danger, had piled their arms, and set about the work of reaping, though of course a part of the legion remained on guard. The Britons attacked the reapers, and killed some of them. When Caesar came up the legion had formed itself into a solid square. This was surrounded by cavalry and chariots and exposed to a continuous discharge of missiles. The arrival of the relieving force put an end to the attack, and Caesar did not think it advisable to assume the offensive. The two legions returned to the camp without having suffered any very serious loss.

A continuance of bad weather for several days prevented the Romans from leaving, and the Britons from attacking the camp. The latter, however, were not idle. They sent messengers throughout the neighboring districts, describing the weakness of the invaders, the magnitude of the booty to be got from them, and the advantage of striking such a blow as would secure for ever the freedom of the island. A large force of cavalry and infantry was thus collected. Caesar, meanwhile, had received a reinforcement of thirty cavalry, which Commius the Gaul brought with him from the continent. Knowing how useful these would be in pursuit, he resolved to give battle, and drew up his legion in front of the camp. An engagement followed, but the Britons, of course, could not stand up against the discipline and arms of the invaders. The victors pursued the fugitives till their strength was exhausted, and, after burning all the dwellings in the neighborhood, returned to the camp.

The very same day envoys appeared asking for peace and this Caesar was ready enough to grant. He contented himself with doubling his demand for hostages. He did not, however, intend to wait till they should be brought into the camp, but directed that they should be sent after him to the mainland. He was, in fact, in a great hurry to go. The equinox was near, the weather could not be trusted, and his ships, hastily patched up as they had been, were scarcely seaworthy. Starting at midnight, possibly on the very day of the battle, he had the good fortune to make the passage without encountering any mishap. The expedition probably occupied about three weeks, having been begun on the 27th of August, and brought to an end some time before the 24th of September. Caesar’s narrative seems to be somewhat exaggerated. There