Documenting America: Civil War Editiion

By David Todd

“Is there in all republics this inherent and fatal weakness? Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?”

As president Lincoln told Congress his war aims at the start of the Civil War, this statement leaps off the lectern. What freedoms did the nation have? What rights did the states have? Did they have the right to leave the Union just because things didn’t go the way they liked at the ballot box? This was the issue that confronted the nation in 1861, already in motion when Lincoln took office.

"Documenting America: Civil War Edition", explores this question, and more. Looking at documents produced during the time of fighting, the historical context of the document is discussed, followed by drawing meaning from it relative to an issue we face today. The U.S.A.’s history is rich in documents. Explore them, and be informed by them.

• Language: English
• Publisher: David Todd
• Release date: Jul 18, 2017
• ISBN: 9781370725731

David Todd

David Todd is a civil engineer by profession (37 years), a genealogist by avocation, an environmentalist by choice, and a writer by passion. He grew up in Rhode Island, where he attended public schools in Cranston and then the University of Rhode Island. In his adult life he has lived in Kansas City, Saudi Arabia, Asheboro North Carolina, Kuwait, and now northwest Arkansas since 1991. Along the way he acquired a love for history and poetry. He currently works at CEI Engineering Associates, Inc. in Bentonville, Arkansas. He is Corporate Trainer for Engineering, which includes planning and conducting training classes and mentoring younger staff. He is the senior engineer at the company, and hence gets called on to do the more difficult projects that most of the younger engineers don't feel confident to tackle. He has recently worked on a number of floodplain studies and mapping projects. He is a registered engineer in three states, a Certified Professional in Erosion and Sediment Control, and a Certified Construction Specifier (certification lapsed). He has been actively pursuing genealogy for fifteen years, having done much to document his and his wife's ancestry and family history. He has been writing creatively for eleven years.

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Introduction

In the Introduction to the first book in this series, Documenting America: Lessons from the United States’ Historical Documents, I stated that my goal was to spur you to find and read the original documents. That’s why I give you a good-sized quote from the originals and not too many more of my own words. If you read this book, but don’t seek out and read the originals, I will have failed in my main goal.

This book follows the same pattern, except, rather than be spread out over the entire U.S.A. epoch, including colonial times, it concentrates on a specific time frame, the Civil War. Not the run-up to the Civil War; not Reconstruction; but the years of actual fighting, from the firing on Fort Sumter in April 1861 to the surrender of the Confederate army in Virginia in April 1865. The things that happened just before and just after the Civil War will be the subject of other books in this series.

In choosing documents for this book, I tried to look beyond battles. I tried to find things related to the politics of the time, and to other things Congress and the president dealt with, and to things going on in non-governmental institutions. I have these others interspersed with the battles. Still, it’s about a war. Battles are a big part of it, and, although I chose my battles carefully, about one-third of the chapters deal with a battle, or the immediate aftermath of a battle. I must be honest and say I grew weary reading and writing about battles. I hope you won’t also find them wearying.

For the most part I maintained the original spelling, grammar, and punctuation of the original documents intact. That makes some of them a little hard to read, but not too hard to get through them. If that happens to you, I suggest just laying the book aside for a while. Come back to it after a break. Read a few more chapters, and lay it aside again if necessary.

Another thing I found painful was reading about predominant attitudes on race at that time. Oh, how much we have changed as a nation in this area! We are still far from perfect about race, but we are much better with it. Yet, reading those painful documents is necessary to fully understand the times.

I trust you’ll find this an interesting way to brush up on or expand your knowledge of our history. Use it to supplement your current history reading. Seek out the documents referenced, and read them in full. They are (almost) all readily available in multiple sources through the wonders of the internet. Enjoy the ride as you Document America.

[Return to the Table of Contents]

Chapter 1

A Merciless and Fearful Retribution

Students of American history, Civil War era, know that the fighting started at Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina. Certainly the causes go back further, including the incipient causes to the bombardment. But this is when the fighting started, and where this book starts. Many contemporary accounts exist from newspaper reports. This one, from the Charleston Mercury, gives a Southern view of the outbreak of war.

As may have been anticipated from our notice of the military movements in our city yesterday, the bombardment of Fort Sumter, so long and anxiously expected, has at length become a fact accomplished. The restless activity of the night before was gradually worn down, the citizens who had thronged the battery through the night, anxious and weary, had sought their homes, the Mounted Guard which had kept watch and ward over the city, with the first gray streak of morning were preparing to retire, when two guns in quick succession from Fort Johnson announced the opening of the drama.

Upon that signal, the circle of batteries with which the grim fortress of Fort Sumter is beleaguered opened fire. The outline of this great volcanic crater was illuminated with a line of twinkling lights, the clustering shells illuminated the sky above it; the balls clattering thick as hail upon its sides; our citizens, aroused to a forgetfulness of their fatigues through many weary hours, rushed again to the points of observation, and so, at the break of day, amidst the bursting of bombs, and the roaring of ordnance, and before thousands of spectators, whose homes, and liberties, and lives were at stake, was enacted the first great scene in the opening drama of what, it is presumed, will be a most momentous military act. It may be a drama of but a single act. The madness which inspires it may depart with this single paroxysm. It is certain that the people of the North have rankling at the hearts, no sense of wrong to be avenged, and exhibiting to those who expect power to reconstruct the shattered Union, its utter inadequacy to accomplish a single step in that direction, the Administration of the old Government may abandon at once and forever its vain and visionary hope of forcible control over the Confederate States. But it may not be so they may persist still longer in assertions of their power, and if so, they will arouse an independent spirit in the South, which will exact a merciless and fearful retribution.

But to return to our report. The act which we have undertaken to record was so unique as might be supposed there were few incidents to mark it. Below we have presented the reports as they successively arrived from the different batteries, and which when placed on our bulletin board, were received with the most eager interest by the mass of anxious friends who at every instant of the day came crowding to our office.

There were several circumstances, however, developed by the day's experience which it is important to notice.

It affords us infinite pleasure to record that Fort Moultrie has fully sustained the prestige of its glorious name. It fired very nearly gun for gun with Fort Sumter. We counted the guns from eleven to twelve o'clock, and found them to be 42 to 46, while the advantage was unquestionably upon the side of Fort Moultrie. In that fort not a gun was dismounted, not a wound received, not the slightest permanent injury sustained by any of its defences, while every ball from Fort Moultrie left its mark upon Fort Sumter. Many of its shells were dropped into that fort, and Lieut. John Mitchell, the worthy son of that patriot sire, who has so nobly vindicated the cause of the South, has the honor of dismounting two of its parapet guns by a single shot….

The famous iron batteries—the ones at Cumings’ Point—named for Mr. C.H. Stevens, the inventar, and the celebrated Floating Battery, constructed under the direction of Capt. Hamilton, have fully vindicated the correctness of their conception. Shot after shot fell upon them and glanced harmless away, while from their favorable position their shots fell with effect upon Fort Sumter, and the south-east pancopee, under the fire of the Stevens’ battery, at nightfall, if not actually breached, was badly damaged. At this battery the honor of firing the first gun was accorded to the venerable Edmund Ruffin, of Virginia, who marched to the rendezvous at the sound of the alarm on Monday night, and who, when asked by some person who did not know him, to what company he belonged, replied, to that in which there is a vacancy.

It were vain to attempt an exhibition of the enthusiasm and fearless intrepidity of our citizens in every department of this eventful day. Boats passed from post to post without the slightest hesitation under the guns of fort Sumter, and with high and low, old and young, rich and poor, in uniform or without, the common wish and constant effort was to reach the posts of action; and amid a bombardment resisted with the most consummate skill and perseverance, and with the most efficient appliances of military art and science, it is a most remarkable circumstance, and one which exhibits the infinite good-goodness of an overruling Providence, that, so far as we have been able to learn from the most careful inquiry, not the slightest injury has been sustained by the defenders of their country.

It may be added, as an incident that contributed no little interest to the action of the day, that from early in the forenoon three vessels of war, two of them supposed to be the Harriet Lane and the Pawnee, lay just beyond the bar, inactive spectators of the contest. Whether they will attempt to enter during the night and encounter the batteries on either side that line the shore, is yet to be determined; if so we will present the records of a bloody issue in our next.

Fort Sumter did not return the fire of our batteries for over two hours, and ceased firing at seven o'clock, p.m., though our men continued to the hour of our going to press.

[Charleston Mercury, April 13, 1861, author unknown]

There, in the language of a partisan and local newspaper, is the story of the first battle of the Civil War. From the tone of this report, the Confederacy was spoiling for a fight. They hoped the USA would try to reinforce a fort somewhere in the south, to give them an excuse to fire upon their former nation. …the bombardment of Fort Sumter, so long and anxiously expected, has at length become a fact accomplished. Yes, they were hoping for this.

The citizens were out on the night of the 12th, hoping to see the beginning of the fight, most likely unaware of all that was going on between the military men and politicians. The order to prevent Fort Sumter from being reinforced or re-provisioned had been given, but the Confederate general took some time to weigh options before giving the order to fire. The citizens came back out aroused to a forgetfulness of their fatigues through many weary hours, rushed again to the points of observation….

The description of the action indicates no significant damage to any military facility on the mainland, which were all controlled by the Confederacy, whereas Fort Sumter sustained heavy losses. As can be expected, the partisan report of this newspaper probably can't be believed for complete accuracy. Other reports, including military ones, should be read for balance. But clearly the writer of this article was excited and optimistic. Possibly this was to be an isolated skirmish, if the Administration of the old Government may abandon at once and forever its vain and visionary hope of forcible control over the Confederate States. We know now, of course, that the hope for no more conflict, or a short conflict, wasn't realized.

What are the lessons for today? It would seem that fear of secession is forever gone, even though we hear, from time to time, of a state, county, or even a city that feels it is held back by the rest of the nation and would like to secede. It's all just so much talk, not serious policy discussions. We are a nation of fifty states, and always will be unless more states are added. Once in the Union, always in the Union.

The partisan rankling and reporting are, however, the vogue today. For a few decades in the 20th Century, the press talked about unbiased reporting. At the time of the Civil War, it was expected that the press would be partisan. For every pro-slavery newspaper there would be an anti-slavery one, with few or no neutral ones. Throughout my entire life politicians have complained that the press is biased against them, while the press says they are neutral. But they aren't, and never have been.

The key that holds the Fourth Estate together is the First Amendment, which declares that Congress shall pass no law that abridges the freedom of the press. The president can't shut down a newspaper that is critical of him. The Speaker of the House can't prevent publication of a magazine that declares him/her to be incompetent. This is a refreshing difference in the U.S.A. than in almost every other nation in the world. Few countries have a press that is as unshackled as ours is, and they don't understand it. They don't understand why the government doesn't shut down news outlets that are unfavorable to them.

I doubt we ever can have a press that is free of partisanship. But so long as the First Amendment remains strong, we can live with a partisan press. At the same time, this partisan press results in angry politicians, sometimes misinformed citizens (until the other side has their say), and, at times, the misinformation and anger will lead to rancor. The discourse will get heated. That's okay in my book, so long it's words by which each side lets loose their merciless and fearful retribution.

[Return to the Table of Contents]

Chapter 2

I Appeal To All Loyal Citizens

Abraham Lincoln became president on March 4, 1861, after traveling by train from Springfield, Illinois to Washington D.C., with concerns for his safety along the way. Seven states had already seceded from the Union, and another eight might follow, which would leave nineteen in the USA. The saving of the nation was first on Lincoln's mind during this time. What to do about slavery would come later. We see, in his actions after the Fort Sumter battle, that he had to respond to that event.

Proclamation 80 – Calling Forth the Militia and Convening an Extra Session of Congress

April 15, 1861

Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by law:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000 in order to suppress said combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed.

I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union and the perpetuity of popular government and to redress wrongs already long enough endured.

I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.

And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within twenty days from this date.

….

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

Proclamation 81 – Declaring a Blockade of Ports in Rebellious States

April 19, 1861

Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collection of the revenue can not be effectually executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States; and

Whereas an Executive proclamation has been already issued requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine thereon:

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned and to the protection of the public peace and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations until Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port for such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable.

….

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Executive Order

April 25, 1861

Lieutenant-General Scott

MY DEAR SIR: The Maryland legislature assembles to-morrow at Annapolis, and not improbably will take action to arm the people of that State against the United States. The question has been submitted to and considered by me whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as General in Chief of the United States Army, to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor efficient for the desired object.

First. They have a clearly legal right to assemble, and we can not know in advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful, and if we wait until they shall have acted their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the effect of their action.

Secondly. We can not permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, we can not long hold them as prisoners, and when liberated they will immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if we simply disperse them—they will immediately reassemble in some other place.

I therefore conclude that it is only left to the Commanding General to watch and await their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their cities and, in the extremest necessity, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.

Your obedient servant,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN

Remarks to a Military Company

April 27, 1861

I have desired as sincerely as any man, and I sometimes think more than any other man, that our present difficulties might be settled without the shedding of blood. I will not say that all hope has yet gone; but if the alternative is presented whether the Union is to be broken in fragments and the liberties of the people lost, or blood be shed, you will probably make the choice with which I shall not be dissatisfied.

Abraham Lincoln: Remarks to a Military Company, April 27, 1861

Even in 1861, the wheels of government turned slowly. From the bombardment of Fort Sumter on April 12, till the Congress of the Confederacy met on April 29, and till the Congress of the United States met on July 4, the business of government continued. But President Lincoln couldn't wait for Congress to assemble. The danger of the Union breaking apart was too great. In fact, the Union had already broken apart. At least that's what the South thought.

Lincoln, however, was treating this not as a schism but as a rebellion. The Southern states were still states of the Union. Breaking of that Union into pieces was not on his radar.

So he took what actions he could while waiting on formal action from Congress. He called for volunteers to the State militias; he expanded the size of the army and navy; he encouraged his generals and gave them instructions; and encouraged a military company. This is a sampling of the war-related proclamations, executive orders, and letters Lincoln issued prior to addressing Congress. Congress would have to decide whether to fund these actions, but Lincoln still took them, subject to congressional approval.

The list of states in rebellion at that time did not include all the states that eventually joined the confederacy. Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas had not yet seceded. But they were likely to. Lincoln wanted to keep the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri from joining the C.S.A. In that regard, his Executive Order to General Winfield Scott on April 25, 1861 shows how Lincoln wanted to be careful. Parties must have wanted him to take action before the Maryland legislature could meet and join the rebellion. We see that Lincoln instead advised restraint. During this time, the South would say that Lincoln was not showing restraint, and that his increasing the size of the armed forces to suppress what to him was a rebellion was an extreme measure.

What are the lessons for the United States in the 21st Century? That the government goes on, no