Between a Man and a Woman?: Why Conservatives Oppose Same-Sex Marriage

By Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey

While conservative Christian groups refuse to recognize same-sex marriage, there is more to their debate than biblical literalism or nostalgia for simple gender roles. Investigating why conservative Christians are so energized by an issue that, according to their own statistics, affects only a small number of Americans, Ludger Viefhues-Bailey confronts a profound theological conundrum: conservatives of both sexes are asked at once to be assertive and submissive, masculine and feminine, both within the home, the church, society, and the state.

Focusing primarily on texts produced by Focus on the Family, a leading media and ministry organization informing conservative Christian culture, Viefhues-Bailey discovers two distinct ideas of male homosexuality: gender-disturbed and passive; and oversexed, strongly masculine, and aggressive. These homosexualities enable a complex ideal of Christian masculinity, according to which men are both assertive toward the world and submissive toward God and family. This web of sexual contradiction influences the flow of power between the sexes and within the state. Notions of sexual equality are joined to claims of "natural" difference, establishing a fraught basis for respectable romantic marriage. Heterosexual union is then treated as emblematic of, if not essential to, the success of American political life. Far from creating gender stability, these tensions produce an endless striving for balance. Viefhues-Bailey's final, brilliant move is to connect the desire for stability to strategies of political power.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Columbia University Press
• Release date: Aug 13, 2010
• ISBN: 9780231521017

Book preview

BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN?

GENDER, THEORY, AND RELIGION

AMY HOLLYWOOD, EDITOR

The Gender, Theory, and Religion series provides a forum for interdisciplinary scholarship at the intersection of the study of gender, sexuality, and religion.

Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making,

ELIZABETH A. CASTELLI

When Heroes Love:

The Ambiguity of Eros in the Stories of Gilgamesh and David,

SUSAN ACKERMAN

Abandoned to Lust: Sexual Slander and Ancient Christianity,

JENNIFER WRIGHT KNUST

Naming the Witch: Magic, Ideology, and Stereotype in the Ancient World,

KIMBERLY B. STRATTON

Dying to Be Men: Gender and Language in Early Christian Martyr Texts,

L. STEPHANIE COBB

LUDGER H. VIEFHUES-BAILEY

BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN?

WHY CONSERVATIVES OPPOSE SAME-SEX MARRIAGE

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS   New York

Columbia University Press

Publishers Since 1893

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Copyright © 2010 Columbia University Press

All rights reserved

E-ISBN 978-0-231-52101-7

                    Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Viefhues-Bailey, Ludger H., 1965–

         Between a man and a woman? : why conservatives oppose same-sex marriage / Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey.

                      p. cm. — (Gender, theory, and religion)

         Includes bibliographical references and index.

         ISBN 978-0-231-15620-2 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-231-52101-7 (ebook)

    1.  Same-sex marriage—Religious aspects—Christianity.   2. Christian conservatism—United States.   3. Same-sex marriage—United States.   4. Focus on the Family (Organization)     I. Title.    II. Series.

    BT707.6.V54 2010

    261.8'35848—dc22

2010009995

A Columbia University Press E-book.

CUP would be pleased to hear about your reading experience with this e-book at [e-mail].

References to Internet Web sites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor Columbia University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.

For Kevin Jerome Bailey

CONTENTS

Author's Note

Acknowledgments

1

INTRODUCTION

Who Are the Conservative Christians, and Why the Focus on Focus on the Family?

Connection to Previous Research

Structure of the Book

Theoretical Considerations and Methodological Consequences

2

RELIGIOUS INTERESTS BETWEEN BIBLE AND POLITICS

Love Between Gays or Lesbians Is Wrong, Because the Bible Tells Me So?

A Confluence of Forces: Religion and Politics

3

AMERICA AND THE STATE OF RESPECTABLE CHRISTIAN ROMANCE

Same-Sex Couples and the Moral and Spiritual Stamina of the Nation

Theologies of Christian Marriage

American (Christian) Marriage: A History of Change

Protecting the Body Politic: A Political Analysis

Conclusion: Religion, Respectability, and the Great American Wedding

4

SAME-SEX LOVE AND THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF CHRISTIAN FEMININITY AND MASCULINITY

Gays and Feminists: From Logic to Rhetoric

Christian Masculinity as Crisis

Submission and the Crisis of Christian Womanhood

Complicated Flows of Power in Ordinary Family Life

5

A POLITICAL AND SEXUAL THEOLOGY OF CRISIS

Beyond Functionalism

Struggling for the Christian Life

A Political and Sexual Theology of Crisis

Notes

Bibliography

Index

AUTHOR'S NOTE

Making sense of conservative Christian opposition to same-sex love is a project that has more than just academic ramifications. As a scholar of religion, I am interested in examining how religious, national, and sexual concerns intertwine in conservative Christian discourses about homosexuality. Analyzing these interrelations correctly, I believe, will further our understanding of how religious practices shape and are shaped by secular polities, in the United States and beyond. Many times when I report on my work in academic settings or in private, people share with me their personal experiences: A young gay man describes growing up in a conservative Christian household, and an evangelical minister talks about how he loves his lesbian daughter but cannot endorse her lifestyle. Stories such as these give a glimpse into the conflict-laden biographies that are entangled in how conservative Christians talk about same-sex love—in the streams of words, narratives, and images that circulate among them and that they use to converse with a wider public.

A closer look at these stories shows how words can fail. For example, the Christian minister who feels compelled to tell God's truth to his beloved daughter knows that doing so will alienate her profoundly. Yet despite his awareness that his words of biblical truth and compassion cannot reach her, he cannot name the love that his child and her life partner share. Words fail him. Consequently, silences and superficial chatter mark his family's gatherings, which only now and then are interspersed by outbursts of potentially meaningful conversations that lead nowhere. The languages of biblical truth and love that are supposed to be life giving threaten to undermine his family. At the same time the languages circulating among many political analysts fail as well. It is not sufficient to explain conservative Christian resistance to same-sex love simply as the result of bigotry or a politically motivated ploy to galvanize Republican core voters. These kinds of explanations do not account for the complexities of convictions that hinder men such as the minister from acknowledging that gay and lesbian Americans are bound to each other by love.

Perhaps it is for biographical reasons that I want to give more attention to the theological plight expressed by conservative Christian language about same-sex love, and perhaps it is for biographical reasons that I want to probe more deeply into the webs of meanings it spins. Thus, I must admit that as a gay man and as someone who, before turning to the more sanguine profession of religious studies, spent a decade engaged in Christian ministry, I am reticent to take the diagnosis of bigotry or political motives as the full story. Obviously, I do not consider it to be theologically problematic that I love another man (particularly the one to whom I dedicate this book). On the contrary, as I have argued in another context, such love is religiously productive. And others, such as orthodox rabbi Steven Greenberg and Christian theologians Eugene Rogers and Mark Jordan, have given profound and nuanced accounts of the religious fruits of same-sex love.¹ However, I have spent many years in a Christian world that is not welcoming and affirming to homosexuals and know that religious arguments and narratives are not easily discounted. Therefore, although this book is not a piece of theology, I want to treat carefully the conservative Christian language under review by neither claiming to understand it too quickly nor declaring it to be incomprehensible.

Philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein was particularly concerned about conversations that bring our words to the point of failure—as in the case of the minister, when they seem to produce clarity but create confusion, or as in the case of much political commentary, when our explanations obscure the fact that we do not understand what is going on. In these cases, the incessant repetition of cherished positions (The Bible tells me that homosexuality is a sin or They reject same-sex love because they are biblical fundamentalist bigots) obscures more than it enlightens. For Wittgenstein, these are situations where we have replaced a quest for mutual intelligibility with sloganeering. At this point, it is important to stop the flow of words and to reflect on what we are saying or what we want to say—to examine the reach and underground of our words, narratives, and images. In short, instead of slogans we need new attempts at understanding both our own words and those of our opponents.

Not everyone may think that understanding, making myself understood, or being understandable is a value in a democratic society. It certainly is not an absolute value. Yet the perils of abdicating public intelligibility are clear, particularly now that there seems to be some movement in the political debates about same-sex marriage. Refusing to understand a person's words (even if they seem difficult to comprehend) implies a refusal not only to be in communication but also to be in a shared political space with him or her. Here I concur with Wittgenstein's conviction that when sloganeering is rampant we need to take special care for the contours of our language. Thus, although this book is mainly an academic text, I hope that its goal of understanding will also engage those of us who, as listeners or speakers, wrestle with conservative Christian language about same-sex love.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book would not have appeared without the encouragement and critique of many scholars to whom I am very grateful. Among them are Stanley Cavell, Sarah Coakley, Shannon Craigo-Snell, Rebecca L. Davis, Stephen Davis, Siobhan Garrigan, Mark Jordan, Jonathan Katz, Kevin O'Neil, Eugene Rogers, and Graham Ward. Moreover, my work would not be what it is without the experience of teaching insightful and enthusiastic students. I am particularly grateful for the graduate and undergraduate students who, together with my colleagues, make the Department of Religious Studies at Yale University an intellectually stimulating place. Part of the research for this book was generously supported by the Fund for Lesbian and Gay Studies at Yale and thus by those who contribute to the well-being of this fund and university. I would like to thank them, as well as my editor at Columbia University Press, Wendy Lochner, my copyeditor Carol Anne Peschke, and Professor Amy Hollywood, who graciously offered this book a place in the Gender, Theory, and Religion series.

1

INTRODUCTION

Religious language is ubiquitous in the arguments against social acceptance or even legal protection for gays and lesbians. Historically, only a few ministries or gay and lesbian rights groups drew explicitly on religiously motivated ideas of justice; mostly, however, religious language was used to defend a legal and social status quo in which gays and lesbians were subjected to various degrees of discrimination.¹ Today a handful of mainstream denominations endorse the idea that a loving relationship between adults of the same sex is religiously acceptable. Yet the most vociferous resistance against such love still comes from religious organizations and persistently uses religious language. This prolonged and adamant religious resistance demands the labor of understanding. What is religiously at stake, when it comes to the love of same-sex couples? And how can we, as a multireligious public, evaluate these particular religious concerns that fuel an ongoing public policy debate?

This book addresses these questions by examining how conservative Christian organizations, particularly the media, advice, and ministry group Focus on the Family (abbreviated as Focus herein), talk about gays and lesbians. I will argue that the conservative Christian visions of sexuality implicated in our policy debates express what Christian theologians would call a corporeal theology of grace, meaning a reflection on how to negotiate in our sexual bodies the relationship between God's power and human power in the drama of salvation. This theology of divine power links up with American ideals of sexuality and political stability. Analyzing the contemporary debates about gay and lesbian love shows how American sexual and theological visions coalesce in forming strategies to distribute political power.

Perhaps surprisingly, not a doctrinal belief in the inerrancy of the Bible but a wider web of religious and political interests supports this American sexual and political theology. Thus, I do not take the statement The Bible tells Christians to reject homosexuality as sinful as the endpoint of a conversation. Rather, I will treat it as the beginning of an inquiry into the intertwining of religious, sexual, and political discourses. Ideas about the character of God's love and power, claims about the allegedly natural aggression of men, the receptivity of the ideal Christian, and the trope of female submission, the defense of heterosexuality from the onslaught of sexual couplings of ill repute, and the concern for the character of middle-class America—the languages used to discuss these topics interconnect and support each other. Meaning derived in one context informs the understanding of words in another.²

Whereas organizations such as Focus shape languages that fuse political, sexual, and theological concerns, academic texts analyzing these debates see the conservative Christian position as motivated primarily by either religion or politics. Therefore, our inquiry requires not only understanding what is religiously at stake for organizations such as Focus but, more fundamentally, providing a new theoretical framework that makes such understanding possible in the first place.

Acknowledging this relationship between political, sexual, and religious concerns in the debates about gays and lesbians demands a fresh analysis of the nature of religious claims in our polity. Like sociologist of religion Robert Wuthnow, I am particularly interested in the transformations that American religion undergoes and their effects on our polity.³ Yet America is not alone in this process of religious-cum-political change. Gleaning insights from other places where religion transforms itself and the state will be an important tool for rethinking the systematic issue of how religion and politics interrelate. Therefore, I will examine findings from studies of religious and political revivals in South Asian Buddhism and Hinduism, such as those by Stanley Tambiah and Partha Chatterjee. I will argue that, like the South Asian innovators, conservative Christian leaders promote a religious and political revitalization of America and Christianity. For them a reinvigorated Christianity means new strength for the American nation. The language of this revival is effective because religious themes (such as the power of God) resonate in complex ways with those of sexuality (the power of husbands) and politics (the need to submit to the authority of a Christian nation). Importantly, the South Asian examples demonstrate that such revivals transform what counts as normative religion (Buddhism, Hinduism, or in our case Christianity). Using these insights to carefully analyze American discussions about marriage will then allow us to realize how and why such a transformation of religion in the modern nation-state is inextricably linked to issues of sexuality.

It is important to note at the outset my argument that these American sexual and political theologies forge identities characterized by deep tensions: The Christian man has to embody both aggression and humble submission; the ideal Christian wife is submissive but empowered to resist abusive male aggression. What will appear in my analysis is not a clear set of stable sexual and political identities but a never-ending dance of agency. In it Christians negotiate in their bodies interrelated contradictions between stratifying middle-class respectability and allegedly class-transcending romance, sexual activity and passivity, and divine and human power. The Christian American middle-class body is thus shaped as a field of conflicts. It is the silent incarnation of a message surprisingly similar to what theologian Mark Jordan, in a critique of conservative positions on same-sex marriage, outlines as an ideal marriage theology: "My idealized marriage theology would prevent persons from settling too quickly on any account of their own lives. . . . It would do this by recalling as often as necessary how difficult it is to tell what divine agency might look like in erotically coupled lives."⁴ Before entering into the thicket of these arguments, let me address the question of how to delineate the group of conservative Christians whose resistance to same-sex love is at issue.

WHO ARE THE CONSERVATIVE CHRISTIANS, AND WHY THE FOCUS ON FOCUS ON THE FAMILY?

Far from being a single unified political movement, what we call conservative Christian organizations form a tapestry of groups comprising people with complex sets of ideas and practices. We find innovative city-dwelling Evangelicals who attend urban mega-churches and faithful listeners to programs such as the late Jerry Falwell's Gospel Hour.⁵ What unites this wide-ranging family of Christians?

One possible answer is the faithful adherence to a set of particular reformed beliefs, such as the inerrancy of the Bible. For example, William Shea characterizes conservative Christians as those practicing Bible Christianity. This, he states, is the type of Christianity that does not need church or liturgy because it relies on the authority of the Bible alone.⁶ This definition may sound like a compelling attempt to trace back the roots of a modern religious phenomenon into the Reformation of the sixteenth century.⁷ However, we should remember that American Christians do have churches (mega-churches) and very highly produced liturgies (with Christian pop). Incidentally, sociologist Alan Wolfe makes the exact opposite claim: Contemporary Evangelicals are not at all heirs to the Protestant Reformers. Wolfe explains that they do not faithfully transmit reformed doctrines of sin.⁸

We can quickly see that the project of defining conservative Christianity based on substantive theological doctrines requires some further theological discussions about the precise meaning of these doctrines– and more theology than most sociologists writing on conservative Christians provide. Also, we would need to assume that individual Christians hold beliefs in line with unchangeable doctrines. In short, I am weary of engaging the theological question of who is and who is not a faithful heir to a sixteenth-century movement. And I agree with Greeley and Hout that we should not overlook the differences in context and meaning between Reformation doctrine and the beliefs held by today's conservative Christians. Although certain formulations may seem to use language similar to that of the Reformers, today's religious and political needs shape how ordinary conservative Christians understand their heritage and their beliefs. They engage in conversations about the reach and character of their churches with today's vocabulary. These contemporary conversations help them to revitalize their present communities, dispute within them, and set themselves apart from other Christians or from the world. Instead of characterizing conservative Christians as those who faithfully adhere to a certain set of precepts, I suggest the following definition: Conservative Christians in America today are those who are being claimed by and are using a certain way of speaking, one whose history is connected to the European and American reformations.⁹

For example, consider the question, Do you accept Jesus Christ as your personal lord and savior? This question (and the concern for another person's eternal salvation) will be recognizable for any Southern Baptist, Assembly of God, or Pentecostal Christian—in short, for anyone who considers himself or herself to be emphatically Christian. Roman Catholics share the theological undergrowth of the idea that Jesus wants to have a personal relationship with his faithful. After all, the ideal of the personal savior reaches into a medieval movement, called the devotio moderna, that predates the ecclesiological divisions of the Reformation. Yet the question, Do you accept Jesus Christ as your personal lord and savior? is alien to a Roman Catholic's vocabulary. In other words, the theological concept may be shared by Christians of different denominations, but the language of having a personal lord and savior is not. Thus, although those who speak this language may disagree about what receiving the Lord entails, they can bond over their disagreements because they will recognize each other in using a similar dialect, as it were. Other Christians share other questions and disagreements, such as the belief in the real presence of Christ