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The Essence of Medieval Philosophy
The Essence of Medieval Philosophy
The Essence of Medieval Philosophy
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The Essence of Medieval Philosophy

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"The Essence of Medieval Philosophy" takes a comprehensive look at the ideas that define Western Philosophy's most enduring, though least understood era – the Medieval Period. In addition to offering in-depth examinations of the era's most renowned philosophers, the book presents detailed reviews of some the era's greatest works.

Included in the book are extensive reviews of the following works:

* Augustine: Confessions and City of God
* Boethius: Consolation of Philosophy
* Anselm: Proslogion
* Thomas Aquinas: Treatise on the One God and Treatise on Man (from the Summa Theologiae)
* Bonaventure: The Soul's Journey Into God
* Duns Scotus: A Treatise on God as First Principle and the Ordinatio
* Roger Bacon: Opus Majus
* William of Ockham: Summa totius Logicae

LanguageEnglish
Release dateMar 9, 2013
ISBN9781301526536
The Essence of Medieval Philosophy
Author

M. James Ziccardi

M. James Ziccardi lives in Southern California with his wife and daughter and has been a software analyst for over twenty-five years. Reading and writing about philosophy is his passion.

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    The Essence of Medieval Philosophy - M. James Ziccardi

    The Essence of Medieval Philosophy

    M. James Ziccardi

    Copyright 2011 by M. James Ziccardi

    Smashwords Edition

    Section 1 - Preface

    "The fool hath said in his heart, There is no God."

    Psalm 14:1

    "For the invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even His eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without excuse:"

    Romans 1:20

    The spectrum of Western Philosophy is vast and diverse. Indeed, there can be no doubt that every facet of our lives is governed by beliefs which are held to be true, whether we realize it or not, or for that matter, whether these beliefs are our own or somebody else’s.

    This means that from the personal, moral, and domestic, on up through the political, social, economic, cultural, and scientific, everything that touches our lives is in some way grounded in philosophical principles. The reason for this is twofold.

    The first is that, because man is endowed by nature with reason, man is born to be philosophical. This means that man acquires knowledge through his experience, he processes this knowledge through his intellective faculty, he formulates judgments on what he has processed, and lastly, he acts upon these judgments in accordance with his free will.

    The second reason is that all of the aforementioned facets of our lives are the creations of man, and as the creations of man they are by nature grounded in philosophical belief.

    Apart from man, none of these things exist naturally in and of themselves. Furthermore, since it is necessary that man must use his reason in order to survive, all of these facets are, in fact, necessarily created. Thus, just as the products of reason cannot exist without man, man cannot exist without the products of reason.

    Except from John Locke’s improbable State of Nature, in which every man is the judge of his own case, there has never been a state of humanity in which individuals did not devise some sort of societal belief system, however limited, from which they conducted their lives. It would seem, then, that all of these things - morality, politics, economics, culture, etc. - are the necessary creations of man. It does not mean, however, that they are created according to necessarily true principles.

    I have intentionally left out the one facet of man’s life, namely, religion, which deserves special attention and which forms the underlining theme of this book, that is: Whether or not man’s religious beliefs are derived from true principles. While most branches of philosophy take either a supporting or opposing position towards religion, it has been the chief concern of Medieval Philosophy to reconcile religious faith with man’s reason. Hence, Medieval Philosophy explores such questions as: What are the principles upon which religious faith is founded? Are these principles based on truth? If so, can they be proven to be so either through demonstration or reasoned argument?

    Unquestionably, Medieval Philosophy focuses its deliberations predominately on the Christian faith. Nonetheless, it would be a mistake to assume that the chief arguments put forward by the medieval philosophers pertain only to Christianity. In fact, the arguments of many of these philosophers seem to apply more to the broader notions of a Deity and the immortality of the soul than to the specific tenets of Christian doctrine.

    While Medieval Philosophy does indeed address these tenets (such as the miracle of Christ’s birth, His teachings and miracles, and His death and resurrection for the sake of man’s salvation), for the most part, it leaves them to faith. It is in the areas that deal with the existence and essence of God, however, that Medieval Philosophy reserves its most penetrating inquiries. It would seem, therefore, that these inquiries have relevance, at least to some degree, to any theistic belief.

    None of this, however, is meant to imply that Medieval Philosophy deals exclusively with the issues of religion, for a great deal of it involves all the traditional aspects of philosophy, such as metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, politics, and the like. It is meant to imply, however, that when it deals with these subjects, it deals with them against the backdrop of religious belief.

    As with all philosophical movements, Medieval Philosophy drew from what had come before it; and in like manner, it left behind a body of knowledge from which others may draw. As such, the philosophers of the Middle Ages combined their own ideas with those of the Ancient Greeks and Romans, and in the process they formulated a philosophical school of thought that was uniquely their own. In turn, they left behind a body of knowledge that has remained every bit as influential and enduring to today’s Western thought as it was to the leading philosophers of the Renaissance.

    The purpose of this book is to offer to today’s student of philosophy a comprehensive look at just what that body of knowledge consists of. Much of today’s philosophical education virtually ignores the contributions made by the philosophers of the Middle Ages. This is unfortunate, for not only does it deprive the student of valuable knowledge in and of itself, but it prevents him or her from seeing the complete spectrum that is Western Philosophy.

    As we shall see, much of philosophy deals with the acquisition of knowledge vis-à-vis the principles of cause and effect. Thus, if we are ever to have a valid understanding of the effect (which is our present condition), then we must first have a valid understanding of its complete cause, and there can be no doubt that Medieval Philosophy constitutes a significant portion of that complete cause, as I hope this book will demonstrate.

    I must admit to having another reason for writing this book, and that is to remind those readers of faith that their beliefs have been opposed, and at the same time, supported by some of the most rigorous reasoned arguments capable to man, and yet their beliefs still stand. This is does not mean that one should attempt to justify his or her faith through reason, for such a justification is inevitably impossible. It does mean, however, that to use reason to justify certain contrary positions (such as, God does not exist) is just as impossible. The medieval philosophers have clearly shown that it is demonstrably impossible to prove the existence of God, and that ultimately His existence must be accepted through faith.

    At the same time the medieval philosophers have shown just as clearly that to deny God’s existence, one must accept certain premises which are equally impossible to prove.

    It is this author’s opinion that there are too many people of faith who lack an understanding of the age-old philosophical arguments which have supported and defended their faith. When they are faced with arguments against their faith, they are unable to muster any reasoned counter arguments other than …because the Bible says so, and as experience has shown, when a position cannot be defended with reason, the debate is lost.

    Thus, it is this author’s intention to help reverse this trend by exposing the reader to the core principles of Medieval Philosophy - principles which for over a thousand years have, as far as it is possible - bridged the gap between faith and reason. For while faith will forever remain the foundation of religious belief, nowhere is it written that faith must be blind.

    Section 2 - Notes on the Text

    Square brackets [ ] found within quotes are mine.

    Parentheses ( ) found within quotes are the author's.

    Sections in bold type or that are underlined are intended by me to highlight critical points.

    Section 3 - Introduction

    Western Philosophy, by and large, is divided into three principal eras: the Ancient, the Medieval, and the Modern. The Ancient era, which includes the ideas of both the Classical Greek and the Classical Roman philosophers, is often characterized, though not entirely, by the writings of Plato and Aristotle. This era is generally regarded to have lasted from the days of the Ancient Greeks until the fall of the Roman Empire in the 5th century A.D.

    The Modern Period began as the Middle Ages were coming to an end and as the Renaissance was beginning to take hold, and it continues to the present day. While having its roots in the Ancient Period, the Modern era ushered in a new Age of Reason, or Enlightenment, which in turn spawned a whole host of new philosophical movements, such as rationalism, empiricism, idealism, pragmatism, and existentialism, just to name a few. This is the period of such great thinkers as Rene Descartes, Spinoza, John Locke, and Immanuel Kant, and more recently, Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein, and again, these are just a few.

    The Medieval Period, however, though it lasted for over a thousand years and is by far the longest era in Western Philosophy, is the era that is typically least known about and taught, especially outside of Continental Europe. The reason for this is due mainly to the belief that because most, if not all, of the leading philosophers of this period were ecclesiastics, they were more concerned with using philosophy to advance their religious beliefs than with using it to advance truth.

    While it cannot be denied that religion, namely, Christianity, and to some extent Islam and Judaism, played a significant role in the lives of the philosophers of the Medieval Period, it would be a mistake to claim that they did not practice true philosophy as we know it today, for many of their writings include extensive discussions on metaphysics, space and time, logic, morality, and other conventional philosophical subject matters.

    In this book, we will examine what some of the more influential medieval philosophers had to say regarding these subjects.

    As with the Ancient Period, the Medieval Period is often characterized by the works of its two greatest philosophers: Augustine, who lived at the beginning of the period, and Thomas Aquinas, who lived towards its end. For this reason, we will be devoting a significant amount of time to the writings of these two men. We will also be examining some of the ideas put forward by a few of the other noted philosophers of this era, such as Boethius, Anselm, Duns Scotus, Bonaventure, Roger Bacon, and William of Ockham.

    It is worth pointing out, however, that apart from a few, most of the philosophers of the Medieval Period considered themselves to be theologians and did not think of themselves as philosophers at all. For them, the term philosopher signified the pagan thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome, such as Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero. As such, the chief aim for most of the philosophers of the Medieval Period was to reconcile the reason of philosophy with the faith of theology: combining them where they agreed and separating them where they differed. When we arrive at the High Middle Ages, which encompasses the years 1000 through 1300, we see a subtle shift in how philosophy was viewed with respect to theology; for the philosophers of this period, most notably Aquinas, attempted to use philosophy to bolster their religious beliefs. Thus we have Aquinas proclaiming philosophy to be the handmaiden of theology.

    The High Middle Ages are also significant in that they mark the introduction of the works of Aristotle into Western thought. Prior to this time, medieval philosophy’s chief ties to the Ancient Period were, for the most part, through the works of Plato and the Ancient Roman philosophers such as Cicero and Seneca. Upon the translation of several of his more influential works into Latin, Aristotle would come to be regarded so highly that most of the medieval philosophers would refer to him in their writings simply as The Philosopher.

    As we shall see, much of the deliberation and debate that takes place within Medieval Philosophy occurs within the context of Christian belief. Nonetheless, it is the result of this constant ebbing and flowing between theological and philosophical ideas that makes having an understanding in Medieval Philosophy so crucial to students of history, theology, and philosophy; for through this constant ebbing and flowing of ideas, Christianity and philosophy were each made stronger and more enduring.

    The Renaissance is rightfully regarded as the era of man’s rebirth in reason and enlightenment, but as with all things, it is not without its causes. The philosophers of the Middle Ages, while making their own contributions, kept alive the ideas of the Ancients from which Modern Philosophy sprang. Furthermore, through their efforts to reconcile faith with reason, the early medieval philosophers, and particularly Augustine, were able to strengthened Christianity at a time when its future was anything but certain. And however one may feel about Christianity as a doctrine of faith, one can have no doubt about the critical role it has played, and continues to play, in the growth and prosperity of Western Civilization.

    It is worth pointing out that the Medieval Period offered more than just great thinkers, for it was during this period that the modern notion of the university came into being.

    By this we mean a community of professional educators who are engaged full-time and under high standards - with an agreed upon syllabus and an agreed upon method of teaching - coming together for the purpose of passing along a body of knowledge to their pupils. As we shall see, the two most renowned universities of the Middle Ages were Oxford and the University of Paris, both of which played a significant role in the lives of several of the men we are about to examine.

    Section 4 - Augustine

    (354 A.D. – 430 A.D.)

    Though technically born in the Ancient Period, Augustine (St. Augustine, or Augustine of Hippo) is often considered to be the first significant philosopher of the Medieval Period. Born in the North African town of Thagaste (now Souk Ahras, Algeria) in the year 354 A.D., Augustine came of age during the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. His early years were heavily influenced by the contrasting religious beliefs of his parents: his mother (later canonized as St. Monica), who was a devout Christian, and his father, an unbeliever. This contrast led Augustine, often with great emotional anguish, to seek for himself the answers to his questions concerning God and existence. As a young man he studied and taught rhetoric, during which time he read and became familiar with many of the works by the great Greek and Roman philosophers, especially those of Plato and Cicero. The road he travelled during his quest for enlightenment, however, eventually led him to Christianity, and as a Christian he would come to play one of, if not the most influential roles in the spread of the Christian Doctrine throughout the Western World. Indeed, it is held by many that were it not for the writings and influence of Augustine, Christianity would not have become one of the world’s most practiced religions for more than two-thousand years. In fact, it may not have lasted at all.

    Augustine was ordained a priest in 391, and in 395 he was made a coadjutor (Latin for co-assister) to the Bishop of Hippo Regius (now the city of Annaba, Algeria). Shortly after the death of the then Bishop, Augustine was elevated to full Bishop of Hippo. It was during this time that he came to write his most significant works, the two most important of which are Confessions and City of God. (We will be examining both of these shortly.)

    Augustine died in Hippo Regius in the year 430 at the age of seventy-five; he was canonized shortly thereafter. (At the time, the Vatican had little, if anything, to do with the beatification of saints, and thus the matter was left to the local Catholic populations along with their Bishops.) In 1256, the monastic Order of St. Augustine was established at the behest of Pope Alexander IV. In the Catholic Church, the Feast of St. Augustine is celebrated on August 28, the date of his death; in the Eastern Orthodox Church, it is celebrated on June 15.

    Not only have Augustine’s works been a major influence to many of the great historical religious leaders throughout history, such as Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Cornelius Jansen, but they have also had a significant impact on some of the greatest philosophers of the Modern era, including the likes of Rene Descartes, Nicolas Malebranche, Edmond Husserl, Martin Heidegger, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.

    Part 1 - Confessions (Augustine)

    The following is a book-by-book review of the Confessions, the autobiographical account of Augustine’s early life and his subsequent conversion to Christianity. It was written between the years 397 and 398, and, by modern standards, is considered by many to be the first true autobiography.

    Book 1

    Book 1 opens with a prayer in which Augustine asks God to reveal to him His true nature. He wants to know if God exists in everything, including heaven, earth, and even hell. If so, is God entirely contained within these things, or is only a portion of Him contained in them? And if this is true, does it then follow that there is both a greater and a lesser part to God? Finally, Augustine asks, is God in him, or is he in God?

    Augustine claims that God is the First Cause, which is to say, the ultimate cause of all things. He states, Thou art, and art God and Lord of all which Thou hast created: in Thee abiding, and of all things changeable, the springs abide in Thee unchangeable: and in Thee live the eternal reasons of all things unreasoning and temporal.

    He asks God to explain the condition of his soul prior to his birth. For instance, was his soul attached to a different body in a prior life? To this, Augustine later found the answer through the Christian faith. He expounds upon this at the end of the City of God, which will be discussed in its entirety following our review of the Confessions.

    Regarding sin, Augustine says the following: God made man, but not man’s sin, for in Thy sight none is pure from sin, not even the infant whose life is but a day upon the earth. He claims the reason for this is that the sin of infants is derived from their conception. Thus he claims, In sin did my mother conceive me.

    Finally, Augustine claims that learning is most successful when it is done freely, for no doubt, then, that a free curiosity has more force in our learning these things, than a frightful enforcement.

    Book 2

    Here, Augustine confesses that in his youth, at the age of sixteen, he along with some friends stole some pears. He claims he did this not for any sort of personal gain through revenge, which might provide a degree of justification, but rather for the pleasure of committing the theft itself. He now asks God what caused him to derive such happiness in sin.

    Book 3

    (Augustine arrives at Carthage.)

    While he was in Carthage, Augustine attended many of the plays that were commonly staged at the time, and he wondered why man desires to be made sad by them. For no one would want to suffer the sadness they depict, yet somehow man derives a certain pleasure in viewing them. In real life, men feel a sense of compassion in the suffering of others, but as spectators they only experience a temporary grief.

    At the age of nineteen, two years after his father’s death, Augustine read and became deeply affected by Cicero’s book, Hortensius, which for him contained an exhortation to philosophy. This led him to thoughts on philosophy and God. With regard to any sort of religious upbringing, it is at this point that Augustine reveals some important facts about his parents: his mother, who was a devout Christian, wanted nothing more than for her son to accept the word of Christ; his father, on the other hand, was at best a pagan, although for the most part, Augustine refers to him simply as a non-believer.

    Prior to his conversion to Christianity, Augustine was an admirer of Greek philosophy. Subsequent to his conversion, however, he felt that it was something to be wary of. Nevertheless, philosophy caused Augustine to bend my mind to the Holy Scriptures, that I might see what they were. At the outset, Augustine felt that the Holy Scriptures were not worthy when compared to the great works of the early philosophers, and especially those of Tully (Cicero).

    For Augustine, God cannot be corporeal, or in other words, God cannot have a physical existence. This is because if He were, then He could not be wholly everywhere as Spirit, as God. As such, if God had a physical existence, then He could not be infinite, for then He would be limited by His finite form.

    According to Augustine, justice, as defined by the Law of God, is not various or mutable, but it may be applied differently according to place and time. (At first, Augustine found fault with this notion.)

    Book 4

    (Augustine’s life from age nineteen to twenty-eight.)

    At Carthage, Augustine taught rhetoric. During this time he came to believe that all of creation was the mere product of chance. Also during this time, a close friend of his had died. While this caused Augustine profound grief, it was not lost on him that his friend had been baptized in the Christian faith prior to his death.

    After the death of his friend, Augustine claims that his life became even more wretched than it already was, and that for the first time he began to fear death. He further claims that he could not find relief from his misery by any means: not in games, music, banquets, the pleasures of the bed and the couch, nor in books and [poetry]. As such, he came to regard the pleasures of the senses as fleeting, but the pleasures of the soul, through God, to be everlasting.

    Augustine claims to have been influenced by Aristotle’s Predicaments, though for the worse. (Aristotle’s Predicaments are the ten categories of existence that he presents in his work, Categories.)

    Book 5

    During Augustine’s twenty-ninth year, Faustus, a certain Bishop of the Manichees, came to Carthage. But despite being revered for his knowledge, Augustine found him to be not as compelling as the earlier philosophers, although he did admire him with respect to his ideas on art and science. However, for Augustine, even the philosophers were lacking in their understanding of God. Nonetheless, they were knowledgeable and accurate in their calculations of the celestial bodies, especially when it came to eclipses. (The Manichees were members of a pagan religion which had its origins in Ancient Persia. They were often seen as a threat to other religions.)

    Augustine claimed that because the ignorant are impressed by the knowledge of the philosophers, they often turn from God. They fail to recognize, he says, that it is God who made all things, as well as the senses by which man perceives them. And furthermore, that their understanding is only made possible through the grace of God. As such, men are often led to praise the creation rather than the Creator. For according to Augustine, it is better to know the Creator than the creation.

    Thus for Augustine, Faustus turned out to be nothing more than a charlatan who simply fooled the people with his good looks and eloquent speech. He was ignorant of science, but used God to justify his beliefs and teachings. Moreover, he was only able to fool the people because they were no good judges of things, and thus to them he appeared understanding and wise. Therefore, something is not true simply because it is spoken eloquently or false because it is spoken inharmoniously or rudely delivered.

    Augustine then discusses his travelling to Rome to study, and how he felt guilty that he had broken his promise to his mother that he would not leave home. Upon arriving he became seriously ill, yet he still did not seek God, nor did he believe in Him. Instead, he chose to believe the philosophers, who claimed the no truth can be comprehended by man.

    During his time in Rome, Augustine continued practicing and teaching rhetoric, all the while erroneously believing God, as well as good and evil, to be corporeal bodies.

    From Rome, Augustine went to Milan to learn and practice rhetoric with Ambrose the Bishop. After listening to the eloquence of the Bishop, Augustine began to be more open-minded to the ideas of Catholicism, though not enough to become a believer. He states, For the Catholic cause seemed to me in such sort not vanquished, as still not as yet to be victorious.

    Book 6

    Here, Augustine tells of his abandoning the Manichees and of becoming, not yet a Catholic, but rather a catechumen (a student preparing for baptism) in the Catholic Church. When his mother came to be reunited with him Italy, she was not completely satisfied with his conversion since he had not completely become a Catholic. She was relieved, however, that he at least had been rescued from falsehood.

    Though not yet a Catholic, Augustine was nevertheless led to prefer the Catholic doctrine, since he felt that her proceeding was more unassuming and honest. Furthermore, he claimed that believing in the Catholic doctrine was not unlike believing in other historical events, such as the belief that his parents were in fact his real parents, for even something seemingly as trivial is this still had to be accepted upon hearsay.

    At the age of thirty, Augustine married a girl who was two years under the fit age. That same year he assumed the role of mentor to a young man by the name of Alypius, and together with their friends, they decided to live together communally in order to study and find the meaning of life. Their arrangement, however, was abandoned before it even got started, for when their wives found out about the plan, they quickly forbade it. Augustine then took a concubine, but because of the strain it placed on his marriage, he ended up returning her to her homeland in Africa, but not before she vowed never to know any other man. Consequently, Augustine was left with just his wife and son. Two year later, however, he procured another woman.

    Before concluding Book 6, Augustine states that if man was immortal and could live in perpetual bodily pleasure, he would be happy, yet even if this were the case, he would still need friends and conversation to fulfill him. Moreover, it is only the fear of death that makes men unhappy.

    Book 7

    Although Augustine says that he did not know how to conceive of God, he believed Him not to have the figure of a human body. He further believed God to be sovereign, incorruptible, uninjurable, and unchangeable; for otherwise God could not be perfect. On the other hand, he felt that anything that could not be extended in space was altogether nothing. Later, however, Augustine came to the realization that God could, in fact, be without form, since his own mind, which can conceive of forms, is also without form. As such, Augustine came to regard the mind as a great thing.

    As though by revelation, Augustine writes that he has now come to a true understanding of God; for as sunlight passes freely through the air from the sun to the earth, he has come to see God as being everywhere and in everything throughout the universe. He admits that he had falsely believed that since God is in everything, larger things must have a larger portion of God in them while smaller things must have less. In discussing these ideas, Augustine presents the argument of Nebridius, which poses the question, how would God respond if a great opposing mass were set over Him and He refused to fight against it; for if it injured Him, then God was subject to injury and corruption, but if it did not, then He would require force from substance to assist Him in removing it. Either way, God would be shown to be less than perfect. (This is similar to what is commonly referred to as omnipotence paradox – an argument often posed by atheists. An example of it would be to ask, can God create a stone so large and heavy that even He cannot lift it. If the answer is no, then God is shown to be incapable of creating something; if the answer is yes, then God is shown to be incapable of doing something (lifting the stone). This, however, is an invalid argument, since it forces God to be both all-powerful and not all-powerful at the same time. It would be like asking God to make something both true and false, or both round and square, or both black and white, at the same time, all of which are contradictions. The question itself is based on a false premise, which is that it is possible to invalidate the law of identity, or A=A.

    After much inner turmoil, Augustine finally comes to believe in God. He could not, however, come to understand of the cause of evil. He had been taught that evil, or ill deeds, are caused by man’s free will, but since God created man, and thereby gave him his free will, would that not mean that evil originates in God? And if evil does originate in God, would that also imply that God is corruptible; for if God is corruptible, then it would be possible for man to conceive of something greater than God, yet nothing can be conceived that is greater than God.

    Augustine then asks, if God is everywhere, and thereby in all substance, how can substance be corruptible if God cannot be corruptible? He further asks, is evil that which we fear, or is evil the fear itself?

    Augustine goes on to say that it was during this period of his life that he stopped believing in astrology, and that he based this decision on reason. For by observing twins he realized that though they are both born under the same constellation, they each have different natures and fates, and thus any astrology that is true is only true by chance.

    He also says that during this time he procured and read certain books of the Platonists. He claims that though the Platonists knew God, they did not "glorify Him as God; thus they became fools. And from the Platonists came the Egyptians, who worshipped God as idols and shapes, mostly in the form of beasts. However, by worshipping God as idols, the Egyptians worshipped and served the creature more than the Creator".

    By reflecting on the manner in which the Egyptians worshipped God, Augustine came to understand the origin of evil. He claims that although God is everywhere and present in all things - even in the idols that were worshipped by the Egyptians - these things are not in and of themselves God. And since they are not God (for God is without form), they are changeable and corruptible. Likewise, while God exists within us, we are not God; therefore, we are corruptible and capable of committing evil. As such, ill deeds are caused by man’s own free will, and not by God.

    He continues by saying that things, i.e., matter, cannot be sovereignly good, because if they were, they could not be corrupted. On the other hand, if they had no good in them at all, there would nothing in them that could be corrupted and thus they would be incorruptible. "For corruption injures, but unless it diminishes goodness, it could not injure. Either then corruption injures not, which cannot be; or which is most certain, all which is corrupted is deprived of good. But if they be deprived of all good, they shall cease to be. For if they shall be, and can now no longer be corrupted, they shall be better than before, because they shall abide incorruptibly. And what is more monstrous than to affirm things to become better by losing all their good? Therefore, if they shall be deprived of all good, they shall no longer be. So long therefore as they are, they are good: therefore whatever is, is good."

    That evil, then, which I sought, whence it is, is not any substance: for if it were a substance, it would be good. For either it should be an incorruptible substance, and so a chief good: or a corruptible substance; which unless it were good, could not be corrupted.

    Moreover, not all things are created equal; those that do not harmonize with other things are accounted evil. However, such things do harmonize with some things, and therefore are good.

    Before concluding Book 7, Augustine claims that at about this time he eagerly embraced the venerable Holy Scriptures, and especially those written by the Apostle Paul.

    Book 8

    As a result of his self-inspired revelations concerning God and the origins of evil, Augustine opens Book 8 with the telling of his visit to Simplicianus, a man known for his devout belief in God. Together, the two men discussed their ideas of God and compared them to the writings of the philosophers, from which Augustine concluded that most philosophers are full of fallacies and deceits, but that the Platonists in many ways led to the belief in God and His Word.

    Simplicianus also taught Augustine about Victorinus, the great teacher of Roman senators, and to whom a statue had been raised in the Roman Forum. In all, Augustine found Simplicianus to be very knowledgeable in the liberal sciences, as well as in the writings of the philosophers. As Simplicianus was a Christian, he imparted on Augustine that everywhere the greater joy is ushered in by the greater pain and that this is especially the case when one returns to God.

    Augustine, however, still had persistent doubts which prevented his complete conversion to Christianity. For instance, he posed the question to Alypius, why is it so difficult to accept and glorify God when one is so learned? Is it because the more learned are ashamed to follow in the path of less learned men?

    Concerning free will, and specifically with regard to why men cannot simply will themselves to believe in God, Augustine asks why does the body obey the will of the mind, but the mind does not always obey its own will? For, unlike the body, it appears as though the mind cannot be controlled through the will. The reason for this, he claims, is because when the mind does not obey its own will, the will is not completely sure of itself, which is to say, it expresses doubt. And when the will is not completely sure of itself, it does not command entirely.

    Augustine went on to say that when the will does not command the mind, it is not the fault of the will, but rather it is the fault of a disease of the mind. Furthermore, truth raises the will, but custom often lowers it. And therefore there are two wills, for that one of them is not entire: and what the one lacketh, the other hath.

    Those who claim that there are two minds in us of two kinds, one good, the other evil, are wrong, and this belief is not only wrong, but evil. Rather, there is only one mind and soul, and a will that is often in doubt." (Many of the Greek philosophers professed that man possesses two souls, one good and one bad.)

    The Manichees believed that the will is always good, but that the soul, which controls the will, is either good or evil. Augustine, on the other hand, maintained that good and evil are determined by conflicting wills.

    Finally, through meditation and his discourses with Alypius, which, he mentions, usually took place in a beautiful garden, Augustine came to accept God and was thus converted to Christianity. He claims that his mother was overjoyed, for although he was converted later in life, he was not only saved, but he had given her grandchildren.

    Book 9

    Augustine begins Book 9 by saying what a joy it was to give up all the sinful things of his previously sinful life. He claims, however, that he waited for about twenty days before quitting his job and telling his friends about his conversion – a wait which, he admits, may have been sinful in and of itself. After this, he along with his family and friends returned to Africa, but to his profound grief, his mother died at Ostia while en route.

    Augustine’s mother died at the age of fifty-six, when he was thirty-three. She had always said that she wanted to die in her own land and be buried next to her husband, although at the end she no longer cared where she died; for as she said, Nothing is far to God. Furthermore, nothing seemed to matter much to her now that her greatest wish had been fulfilled, which was the conversion of her son to the Catholic faith.

    Earlier in her life, Augustine’s mother had apparently developed a liking for wine, and although she’s had stopped drinking, from time to time she was taunted as being a winebibber. To this, Augustine claimed, as flattering friends pervert, so reproachful enemies mostly correct.

    Book 10

    Here, Augustine discusses the nature of human memory, but before he begins, he makes the following reassertion: Though everything is created by God, God is not any of these things.

    For Augustine, memory contains not only those things which are experienced through the senses, but all the ideas that are learned by the mind as well. These include the ideas we acquire through literature, discourse, and meditation. Number and dimension, which are not known through the senses, are also contained within our memory. Augustine refers to the things that are known to us without our senses as reasons and laws.

    Memory is the mind, which is why we say such things as see that you keep it in mind, and it slipped out of my mind. The memory then is, as it were, the belly of the mind, and joy and sadness, like sweet and bitter food; which, when committed to the memory, are as it were passed into the belly, where they may be stowed, but cannot taste. Ridiculous it is to imagine these to be alike; and yet are they not utterly alike.

    According to Augustine, animals have memory; therefore, man must have something more than memory that sets him apart from the animals.

    God cannot be found through the memory, i.e., the mind, or reason. He must therefore be found beyond the memory. Still, the happy life is known by memory, and joy in God is the only happy life.

    He continues: "Is not the life of man upon earth all trial?

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