The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Volume XII

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Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Volume XII

Author: Various

Editor: Jared Sparks

Release Date: March 25, 2013 [EBook #42413]

Language: English

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THE

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

VOL. XII.

THE

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION;

BEING

THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN

ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH

IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY

LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.

DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN

RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING

THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;

TOGETHER WITH

THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF

CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

ALSO,

THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,

GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.

————

Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from

the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably

to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.

————

EDITED

BY JARED SPARKS.

======

VOL. XII.

BOSTON:

NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;

G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.

————

1830.

Steam Power Press—W. L. Lewis' Print.

No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.

CONTENTS

OF THE

TWELFTH VOLUME.

———

ROBERT MORRIS'S CORRESPONDENCE,

CONTINUED.

————

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT MORRIS,

SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE.

VOL. XII

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT MORRIS.

———

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

———

TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Finance, November 3d, 1781.

Sir,

Agreeably to my promise, I have the honor to send you a copy of the circular letter, which I lately transmitted to the several States. This will be an additional proof of my desire to draw from among ourselves the necessary resources, and thereby to become truly independent. But the sincerity with which I have always spoken to you, and which I mean to preserve, and which the generous conduct of your Sovereign demands for his servants, that sincerity will not permit me to conceal my sentiments on what is to be expected.

The annual expenses of this country may certainly be reduced within narrower bounds, than they have hitherto been; perhaps it will be less than I myself have now an idea of. But still it must be considerable, if we mean, which we certainly do, to make becoming efforts in the common cause. Besides this, it will require a considerable revenue to provide the sinking fund for our public debt. As I consider national credit to be an object of the greatest magnitude and importance, so I think it necessary to bend every possible effort to the establishment and support of it. Provision for our debts is, therefore, the first object, and therefore must take place of every other demand.

Whatever may be the wealth of the inhabitants of America, and however capable they may be of bearing heavy taxes, this at least is certain, that they have neither been accustomed to them, nor have the Legislatures hitherto adopted the proper modes of laying and levying them with convenience to the people. Taxation requires time in all governments, and is to be perfected only by long experience in any country. America, divided as it is into a variety of free States, possessing sovereign power for all domestic purposes, cannot therefore be suddenly brought to pay all which might be spared from the wealth of her citizens. The amount even of that wealth is very disputable. Our extensive forests, though they are valuable as property, are by no means productive to the revenue; and many of our people have endured such losses, that they require alleviation, instead of being able to bear burdens. Besides this, the use of many articles, not strictly necessary, are become so even by that use, and therefore, the mode of living being habitually more expensive than in other countries, requires greater wealth, A good Prince would not suddenly render the lot of his subjects worse. How then are we to expect that the people themselves will do so?

But supposing our taxes could equal the demand for revenue, another circumstance remains. The paper money, which has been emitted lays in our way to reformation, and we feel it at every step. It has been issued, and the people will with propriety refuse to pay taxes, if it be totally refused. Much, therefore, of the revenue must be in paper, while that paper exists. If it be re-issued after it has been raised in taxes, the mischief attendant on a depreciating medium will still continue. A large nominal revenue may indeed be collected, but that revenue will be nominal. The specie in the country also will be continually secluded from circulation, and by that means, not only the sources of revenue will be dried up, but even the bills of exchange, which may be drawn on Europe, will not find a proper market at their value.

I might add a number of reasons to show the necessity of destroying this paper money; but your residence here has enabled you to see this subject to the bottom, and I have found in conversation your ideas so clear, that I will not attempt to demonstrate what you cannot but perceive at a single glance. But how is it to be done? If a recurrence be again had to the detestable expedient of force, our credit is ruined. Prudence, therefore, forbids any such attempt; besides, it is so dishonest, that I will never have any concern in it. There is then no other means, but to receive the taxes in paper, and to destroy a part, at least, if not the whole.

This method of proceeding will lay a proper foundation for establishing public credit, and when that is established, we well know what good consequences may be drawn. But, in the interim, it is evident that the revenue, even if otherwise equal to our wants, must be deficient. I, therefore, am bound to declare to you my conviction, that we must have aid from abroad. It is unnecessary to add the place from which that aid is to be expected.

It is very painful to ask assistance in any case, especially in a situation like ours, where the object of the war is to secure what is of the utmost importance to us. But having candidly explained our situation, and shown the impracticability of doing all which I wish, there is a greater propriety in stating to a gentleman, who knows those wishes, the ideas which arise from the nature of that connexion which subsists between the two nations.

The war in America must of necessity prove fatal to Great Britain, if it continues; because it is carried on by her at an expense so disproportionate, to that which is borne by France, that the greater effort must exhaust every fund she can possibly draw forth, and inextricably involve her in eternal debt. If then the object of the war were in itself indifferent to France, the mere continuance of it would alone be a valuable object to her, and indeed, to every other power, particularly to those who are in any degree maritime, as they are most exposed to British encroachment and rapacity. But when we consider that the object of the war is of the last consequence to the commerce of his Majesty's dominions, and especially so to his marine; and when we further consider, that his honor stands pledged for our support, to doubt of his further assistance would imply a reflection both on his wisdom and integrity. I hope, Sir, you will believe me to be incapable of casting such reflections.

Let me further take the liberty to observe, that I would by no means detract from the generosity of his Most Christian Majesty, yet the moneys, which he may be disposed to advance to the United States, are neither lost nor thrown away. The subjects of France will for ages derive benefits from a commercial connexion with this country, and I hope their Sovereign will always find here a warm friend and a faithful ally, should any of those changes, to which human affairs are subjected, induce him to ask that aid, which he now bestows.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.[1]

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, November 5th, 1781.

Sir,

Copies of the Act of the United States in Congress assembled, of the 2d instant, have been sent to me, and were yesterday received. It would have given me pleasure to have had an opportunity of expressing my sentiments before those acts were passed; but it becomes necessary to take the liberty of doing it now. I, therefore, do myself the honor to enclose a letter written on the 28th day of August last, which was not transmitted before, because Congress were so much engaged, that, as well from that as from other circumstances, those matters, which it relates to, could not properly be brought before them. In the beginning of that letter, the reference made to me on the 23d of August, of two letters from the State of Massachusetts, and of a report upon them, is mentioned. On the 12th of September following, I received the resolutions of that State, which were referred on the 10th; and I have now to observe, that my sentiments on the subject of those resolutions are fully contained in the letter.

I should have sent in that letter, notwithstanding my reasons to the contrary, if I had conceived that any of the subjects it relates to had been in agitation before the United States. And, although Congress have not taken up all the matters mentioned in it, there is some propriety in sending it as it was written, because such objects are better understood when viewed in their connexion with each other, than when separately considered.

I shall say nothing as to the amount of the sum required, because I have not seen the estimates. Congress have certainly considered the supplies necessary, and the abilities of their constituents. Immediately after the apportionments, I find the following clause, that the said sums, when paid, shall be credited to the accounts of the several States on interest, to be hereafter adjusted. I hope that I shall be pardoned for observing, that I cannot see the necessity of this provision, and that ill consequences will probably result from it. As to the necessity, I will suppose that the proportion of any State were rated so high as greatly to exceed its means of payment, or materially to distress the people, surely Congress might afford redress in the next apportionment by relaxing the demands on such State and dividing the deficiency among others. Nor is it of any consequence whether the disproportion arises from error in laying the quotas, or from a subsequent change of circumstances. It is for this reason that the clause appears unnecessary. The idea of leaving the adjustment of accounts to a future day will discourage the efforts of every State in the Union. They will consider it as determining, in other words, that the accounts shall never be settled at all, or rather, they have already formed that opinion. This has produced discontent, and given rise to complaint. The disputes which must follow cannot but be pernicious. Nor are these the only ill consequences of that provision. I hope that Congress will pardon me, when I state the sentiments, which may arise in the minds of others, although they have no place in my own. Postponing a final adjustment may cast an air of doubt, or even timidity, on the proceedings of the United States. It may be construed into an appearance of leading individual States unwarily into efforts beyond their proportion, or their strength. It may be imagined that there is some want of that firmness and decision, which ought to be the constant companions of sovereign authority. It gives me pain to hazard a difference in opinion with Congress, and, therefore, I quit the subject.

The next article in the Act of the second instant declares, that certificates, which may be given by the Quarter Master General, or other officers properly authorised to give them for supplies, that shall hereafter be furnished, shall be accepted in payment. This provision may, in some