The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume V

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Title: The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume V

Editor: Ida Husted Harper

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THE HISTORY

of

Woman Suffrage.

EDITED BY

IDA HUSTED HARPER

ILLUSTRATED WITH COPPERPLATE AND PHOTOGRAVURE

ENGRAVINGS

IN SIX VOLUMES

VOLUME V

1900-1920

AFTER SEVENTY YEARS CAME THE VICTORY

NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION

Copyright, 1922, by

National American Woman Suffrage Association

DR. ANNA HOWARD SHAW.

Vice-President-at-Large of the National American Woman Suffrage Association 1892-1904 and President 1904-1915.

PREFACE

The History of Woman Suffrage is comprised in six volumes averaging about one thousand pages each, of which the two just finished are the last. While it is primarily a history of this great movement in the United States it covers to some degree that of the whole world. The chapter on Great Britain was prepared for Volume VI by Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, leader of the movement there for half a century. The accounts of the gaining of woman suffrage in other countries come from the highest authorities. Their contest was short compared to that in the two oldest countries on the globe with a constitutional form of government—the United States and Great Britain—and in the former it began nearly twenty years earlier than in the latter. The effort of women in the greatest republic on earth to obtain a voice in its government began in 1848 and ended in complete victory in 1920. In Great Britain it is not yet entirely accomplished, although in all her colonies except South Africa women vote on the same terms as men.

Doubtless other histories of this world wide movement will be written but at present the student will find himself largely confined to these six volumes. This is especially true of the United States and many of the documents of the earliest period would have been lost for all time if they had not been preserved in the first three volumes. These also contain much information which does not exist elsewhere regarding the struggle of women for other rights besides that of the franchise. That the materials were collected and cared for until they could be utilized was due to Miss Susan B. Anthony's appreciation of their value. The story of the trials and tribulations of preparing those volumes during ten years is told in Volume II, page 612, and in the Preface of Volume IV. They were written and edited principally by Miss Anthony and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and covered the history from the beginning of the century to 1884. The writers expected when they began in 1877 to bring out one small volume, perhaps only a large pamphlet. When these three huge volumes were finished they still had enough material for a fourth, which never was used.

Miss Anthony continued her habit of preserving the records and in 1900, when at the age of 80 she resigned the presidency of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, she immediately commenced preparations for another volume of the History. She called to her assistance Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, who had recently finished her Biography, and in her home in Rochester, N. Y., they spent the next two years on the book, Mrs. Stanton, who was 85 years old, taking the keenest interest in the work.[1] When the manuscript was completed hundreds of pages had to be eliminated in order to bring it within the compass of one volume of 1,144 pages.

Miss Anthony then said: Twenty years from now another volume will be written and it will record universal suffrage for women by a Federal Amendment. Her prophecy was fulfilled to the letter. She put upon younger women the duty of collecting and preserving the records and this was done in some degree by officers of the association. In 1917, after the legacy of Mrs. Frank Leslie had been received by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the association, she formed the Leslie Suffrage Commission and established a Bureau of Suffrage Education, one feature of which was a research department. Here under the direction of an expert an immense amount of material was collected from many sources and arranged for use. After the strenuous work for a Federal Suffrage Amendment had brought it very near, Mrs. Catt turned her attention to the publishing of the last volume of the History of Woman Suffrage while the resources of the large national headquarters in New York and the archives of the research bureau were available, and she requested Mrs. Harper to prepare it. The work was begun Jan 2, 1919, and it was to be entirely completed in eighteen months. No account had been taken of the enormous growth of the suffrage movement. It had entered every State in the Union and it extended around the world. It was occupying the attention of Parliaments and Legislatures. In the United States conventions had multiplied and campaigns had increased in number; it had become a national issue with a center in every State and defeats and victories were of constant record.

To select from the mass of material, to preserve the most important, to condense, to verify, was an almost impossible task. A comparison will illustrate the difference between the work required on Volume IV and that on the present volumes. The Minutes of the national convention in 1901 filled 130 pages of large type; those of the convention of 1919 filled 320 pages, many of small type; reports of congressional hearings increased in proportion. Of the State chapters, describing all the work that had been done before 1901, 29 contained less than 8 pages, 18 of these less than 5 and 7 less than 3; only 6 had over 14 pages. For Volume VI not more than half a dozen State writers sent manuscript for less than 14 and the rest ranged from 20 to 95 pages. The report on Canada in Volume IV occupied 3½ pages; in this volume it fills 18. The chapter on Woman Suffrage in Europe outside of Great Britain found plenty of room in 4 pages; in this one it requires 32.

The very full reports of the national suffrage conventions, the congressional documents, the files of the Woman's Journal and the Woman Citizen and the newspapers furnished a wealth of material on the general status of the question in the United States. It was, however, the evolution of the movement in the States that gave it national strength and compelled the action by Congress which always was the ultimate goal. The attempt to give the story of every State, in many of which no records had been kept or those which had were lost or destroyed; the difficulty in getting correct dates and proper names upset all calculations on the amount of material and length of time. As a result the time lengthened to three and a half years and the one volume expanded into two, with enough excellent matter eliminated to have made a third. In each of these chapters will be found a complete history of the effort to secure the franchise by means of the State constitution, also the part taken to obtain the Federal Amendment and the action of the Legislature in ratifying this amendment.

The accounts of the annual conventions of the National American Suffrage Association demonstrate as nothing else could do the commanding force of that organization, for fifty years the foundation and bulwark of the movement. The hearings before committees of every Congress indicate the never ceasing effort to obtain an amendment to the Federal Constitution and the extracts from the speeches show the logic, the justice and the patriotism of the arguments made in its behalf. The delay of that body in responding will be something for future generations to marvel at. In Chapter XX will be found the full history of this amendment by which all women were enfranchised.

In one chapter is a graphic account of the effort for half a century to get a woman suffrage plank into the national platforms of the political parties and its success in 1916, with one for the Federal Amendment in 1920. A chapter is devoted to the forming of the National League of Woman Voters after the women of the United States had become a part of the electorate. All questions as to the part taken in the war of 1914-1918 by the women who were working for their enfranchisement are conclusively answered in the chapter on War Service of Organized Suffragists. In one chapter will be found an account of other organizations besides the National American Association that worked to obtain the vote for women and of those that worked against it. A full description is given of the organizing of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and its congresses in the various cities of Europe.

Volumes V and VI take up the history of the contest in the United States from the beginning of the present century to Aug. 26, 1920, when Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby proclaimed that the 19th Amendment, submitted by Congress on June 4, 1919, had been ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States and was now a part of the National Constitution. This ended a movement for political liberty which had continued without cessation for over seventy years. The story closes with uncounted millions of women in all parts of the world possessing the same voice as men in their government and enjoying the same rights as citizens.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, pages 1210, 1256, 1269. Placing in libraries, 1279 to 1282. Bequeathed to National Suffrage Association, History of Woman Suffrage, Volume V, page 205.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.page

Founding of National Association3

Work of the National American Woman Suffrage Association for an amendment to the Federal Constitution, to State constitutions and for other reforms—Annual convention in Minneapolis in 1901—Mrs. Stanton's address on the Church, the Bible and Woman Suffrage—Miss Anthony's and others' opinions—President's address of Mrs. Catt on obstacles—Dr. Shaw's vice-president's address on Anti-suffragists—Plan for national work—Miss Anthony's report on work with Congress—Protest against regulated vice in Manila—New York Sun and Woman Suffrage—Discriminating against women in government departments—A tribute to the national suffrage conventions.

CHAPTER II.

The National Suffrage Convention of 190223

Meeting in Washington, D.C., of committee to form an International Woman Suffrage Alliance—Greeting of Clara Barton to foreign delegates—Letters from Norway and Germany—Response of Mrs. Friedland of Russia—Mrs. Catt's president's address on World Progress leading to the International Alliance—Mrs. Stanton's address on Educated Suffrage—Miss Anthony's introduction of Pioneers—Addresses on The New Woman and The New Man—Women in New York municipal election—Miss Anthony's 82d birthday—Mr. Blackwell on Presidential suffrage for women—Hearings before committees of Congress—Addresses of Norwegian and Australian delegates before Senate Committee—Dr. Shaw's plea for a committee to investigate conditions in Equal Suffrage States—Speeches of Russian, Swedish and English delegates—Mrs. Catt's insistence on a Congressional Committee to investigate the working of woman suffrage where it exists.

CHAPTER III.

National Suffrage Convention of 190355

Very successful meeting in New Orleans—Description of Picayune—Ovation to Miss Anthony and Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick—Dr. Shaw's response—Mrs. Catt's president's address—Times Democrat brings up Negro Question, official board of the association states its position—Visit to colored women's club—Reports of officers—Presidential suffrage for women—Mrs. Colby's report on Industrial Problems relating to Women and Children—Addresses of Dr. Henry Dixon Bruns, M. J. Sanders, president of Progressive Union—Memorial service for Mrs. Stanton—Speeches on Educational Qualification for voting—Dorothy Dix on The Woman with the Broom—Address of Edwin Merrick—Belle Kearney on Woman Suffrage to insure White Supremacy—Tribute to Misses Kate and Jean Gordon.

CHAPTER IV.

National Suffrage Convention of 190486

Letter of greeting to the convention in Washington from Mrs. Florence Fenwick Miller, suffrage leader in Great Britain—Delegates appointed to International Alliance meeting in Berlin—Mrs. Catt's president's address on an Educational Requirement for the Suffrage—Address of Mrs. Watson Lister of Australia—Charlotte Perkins Gilman's biological plea for woman suffrage—Report from new headquarters—Addresses on Women and Philanthropy by the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer and Dr. Samuel J. Barrows—Mrs. Mead on Peace and Mrs. Nathan on The Wage Earner and the Ballot—Miss Anthony's 84th birthday—A Colorado Jubilee, speeches by Governor Alva Adams, Mrs. Grenfell and Mrs. Meredith—Mrs. Terrell asks for moral support of colored women—Declaration of Principles adopted—Mrs. Catt Resigns the Presidency, tributes—Hearings before Congressional Committees—Distinguished testimony from Colorado—Mrs. Catt's strong appeal for a report even if adverse.

CHAPTER V.

National Suffrage Convention of 1905117

The convention in Portland, Ore., first held in the West—Enthusiastic welcome and great hospitality—Miss Anthony speaks of her visit in 1871—Speech of Jefferson Myers, president of the Exposition—Mrs. Duniway on the Pioneers—Dr. Shaw's president's address, answers ex-President Cleveland and Cardinal Gibbons—Committee appointed to interview President Roosevelt—Protest to committee of Congress against statehood constitution for Oklahoma and other Territories—Fine work of Press Committee—Woman's Day at Exposition—Unveiling of Sacajawea statue—Convention adopts Initiative and Referendum—Decision to have an amendment campaign in Oregon—Tribute to Mr. Blackwell—Mrs. Catt's noble address—Memorial resolutions for eminent members—Speeches by prominent politicians.

CHAPTER VI.

National Suffrage Convention of 1906151

The convention held in Baltimore one of the most notable—Miss Anthony, Julia Ward Howe and Clara Barton on the platform—Welcome by Governor Warfield and Collector of the Port Stone—Dr. Shaw scores President Roosevelt's reference to Women in Industry in his message to Congress—Ridicules Cardinal Gibbons' and Dr. Lyman Abbott's recent pronouncements on woman suffrage—Organization of College Women's League—Florence Kelley speaks on Child Labor—College Women's Evening—Women professors from five large colleges speak—Week of hospitality by Miss Mary E. Garrett—Speeches on Women in Municipal Government by Wm. Dudley Foulke, Frederick C. Howe, Rudolph Blankenburg, Jane Addams—Miss Anthony speaks her last words to a national suffrage convention—Mrs. Howe's farewell address—President Thomas and Miss Garrett decide to raise large fund for woman suffrage—Delegates go to Washington for hearings before Congressional Committees—Miss Anthony's 86th birthday celebrated—Her last words on the public platform.

CHAPTER VII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1907193

Bishop Fallows welcomes convention to Chicago—Professor Breckinridge on Municipal Housekeeping—Florence Kelley on same—Mary McDowell, Anna Nicholes and others on Workingwomen's Need of a Vote—Addresses by Professor C. R. Henderson, Hon. Oliver W. Stewart—Memorials and service for Miss Anthony—Organizations for Woman Suffrage—Farewell letter of Mary Anthony—Rabbi Hirsch on woman suffrage—Near victories in many States.

CHAPTER VIII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1908213

Celebrates 40th anniversary in Buffalo—Emily Howland on Spirit of '48—Kate Gordon describes interview with President Roosevelt—Widespread work of national headquarters—Program of 1848 convention—Responses to its Resolutions by Mrs. Gilman, Miss Blackwell, Mrs. Blatch, the Rev. Caroline Bartlett Crane and others—The Scriptures and St. Paul analyzed by Judith Hyams Douglas—Discussion on the Social Evil led by the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer—College Women's Evening; addresses by Dr. M. Carey Thomas, Professor Frances Squire Potter, Professor Breckinridge and others—Mrs. Kelley on Laws for Women and Wage Earners—Stirring speech by Jean Gordon, factory inspector—Maude Miner on Night Courts for women—Mrs. William C. Gannett on Woman's Duty—Katharine Reed Balentine on Disfranchised Influence—Mrs. Philip Snowden describes English situation—Legal Phases of Disfranchisement by Harriette Johnson Wood—Progress since 1848—Mrs. Catt's inspiring address.

CHAPTER IX.

National Suffrage Convention of 1909243

Annual meeting held in Seattle—Delightful journey across continent—Reception in Spokane—Mrs. Villard tells of opening of Northern Pacific R. R.—Welcomed to Seattle by Mayor—Elizabeth J. Hauser's report of headquarters work—Mrs. Belmont's offer of headquarters in New York City—Mrs. Mead urges association to work for Peace—Professor Potter's address on College Women and Democracy—Mr. Blackwell's last suffrage convention—Mrs. Avery reports on National Association's petition to Congress—Mary E. Craigie tells of suffrage work with the churches—Professor Potter elected corresponding secretary—Political work for suffrage before elections urged, Illinois cited—Suffrage Day at the Exposition.

CHAPTER X.

National Suffrage Convention of 1910266

Convention returns to Washington after six years—President Taft makes speech of welcome—Delegates show displeasure—Exchange of letters between national officers and the President—Official resolution of regret—Comment of Woman's Journal—Report of association's vast work from New York headquarters—Great Petition officially received by Congress—Mrs. Upton resigns as treasurer—Memorial addresses for Mr. Blackwell and Wm. Lloyd Garrison—Alice Paul on militant suffrage in Great Britain—Dorothy Dix on The Real Reason why Women can not Vote—Max Eastman on Democracy and Woman—Mrs. Harper's report as chairman of National Press Committee—Hearings before Committees of Congress; speeches by Dr. Shaw, Mrs. McCulloch, Eveline Gano of New York on teachers' need of the vote; Dr. Anna E. Blount of Chicago on professional women's need; Minnie J. Reynolds on writers signing petitions—U. S. Senator Shafroth's notable speech to Senate Committee—House Committee: Mrs. Raymond Robins, Elizabeth Schauss, factory inspector; Laura J. Graddick of a District Labor Union and Florence Kelley argue for the working women's need of vote—Speeches of Mrs. Upton and Laura Clay.

CHAPTER XI.

National Suffrage Convention of 1911310

Convention in Louisville, Ky., celebrates victories in Washington and California—Welcomed by Laura Clay—Mr. Braly tells of California campaign—Mary Ware Dennett, new corresponding secretary, reports world wide work—Caroline Reilly, new chairman, describes press work in 41 States—Jane Addams, on College League's Evening shows what women might accomplish with the franchise—Dr. Thomas what the suffrage means to college women—Dr. Harvey W. Wiley speaks on Women's Influence in Public Affairs—Katharine Dexter McCormick on Effect of Suffrage Work on Women themselves—Mrs. McCulloch on Equal Guardianship Laws—Church needs Woman Suffrage—Mrs. Desha Breckinridge discusses Prospect for Woman Suffrage in the South—Mrs. Pankhurst receives ovation.

CHAPTER XII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1912332

Three victories celebrated at convention in Philadelphia, suffrage gained in Oregon, Arizona and Kansas—Welcomed by Mayor Blankenburg—Rally in Independence Square—Reports show wonderful progress—An Evening by Men's Suffrage League—Discussion on officers of the association taking part in political campaigns—Great meeting in Metropolitan Opera House, speeches by Julia Lathrop, Miss Addams and Dr. Burghardt DuBois—On last evening addresses by Bishop Darlington, Baroness von Suttner and Mrs. Catt—Hearings before Congressional Committees, Dr. Shaw and Miss Addams presiding—Speeches on Senate side by James Lees Laidlaw, president of Men's League; Jean Nelson Penfield, speaking for women in civic work; Elsie Cole Phillips and Caroline A. Lowe for the wage-earning women—On the House side, Representatives Raker, Taylor, Lafferty and Berger; Mary E. McDowell, Ida Husted Harper—Colloquy with committee—Ella C. Brehaut speaks for anti-suffrage women.

CHAPTER XIII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1913364

Convention opened in Washington Sunday afternoon with mass meeting—Women's trade unions represented by speakers—Victories in Illinois and Alaska—Dr. Shaw's account of Democratic National convention in Baltimore—President Wilson urged to put woman suffrage in his Message—He receives a delegation—Report of year's work for the Federal Amendment by Alice Paul, chairman of association's Congressional Committee—Objection to Congressional Union—New Congressional Committee appointed—Vote on Federal Amendment in Senate—Three days' hearings by House Committee on Rules on appeal for a Committee on Woman Suffrage, Dr. Shaw presiding—Speeches by Mrs. Catt, Mrs. Gardener, Mrs. Harper, Jane Addams, Mrs. Breckinridge, Mary R. Beard and Representative Raker—Women's Anti-Suffrage Associations out in force—In rebuttal Miss Blackwell, Mrs. McCulloch and Mrs. Mondell—Representative Mondell closes—Rules Committee refuses the appeal.

CHAPTER XIV.

National Suffrage Convention of 1914398

Convention met in House of Representatives at Nashville, welcomed by Mayor Howse—Dr. Shaw eulogizes Southern women—Governor Hooper welcomes to State—Anne Martin tells of victory in Nevada, Jeannette Rankin in Montana—National Association's work in campaigns—Dr. Shaw on the War—Tribute of convention to her—Address by U. S. Senator Luke Lea—Heated controversy over Shafroth Federal Amendment—Defense by Ruth Hanna McCormick—Antoinette Funk before Judiciary Committee—Her brief for amendment—Her report of the campaigns—Miss Clay's and Mrs. Bennett's bill—Committee Hearings: speakers, Mrs. Funk, Mrs. Colby, Mrs. Beard, Crystal Eastman Benedict, Dr. Cora Smith King, Mrs. Gardener—National Anti-Suffrage Association headed by Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge, with array of men and women speakers.

CHAPTER XV.

National Suffrage Convention of 1915439

At the convention in Washington defeats and victories to consider—First vote in House on Federal Amendment—President Wilson receives delegates—All reports show progress—Dr. Shaw refuses to stand for reelection—Her farewell address—Beautiful ceremonies—Mrs. Catt elected—Ethel M. Smith's report on political work—Congressmen card-indexed—Ruth Hanna McCormick on first House vote—Shafroth Amendment dropped—Conference with Congressional Union, its policy of fighting party in power condemned—Hearing before friendly Senate Suffrage Committee—House Committee controversies with antis and Congressional Union—Men antis grilled.

CHAPTER XVI.

National Suffrage Convention of 1916480

Great meeting in Atlantic City—President Wilson attends and announces his allegiance—His address—Dr. Shaw responds—Mrs. Catt on State campaigns—Shall association work for Federal and State amendments?—Mrs. Catt sounds key-note in speech on The Crisis—Mrs. Dudley, Mrs. Cotnam and Mrs. Valentine represent South—The golden flier—Sharp debate on endorsing candidates—Speeches of Owen Lovejoy, Julia Lathrop and Katherine Bement Davis—Important report of Mrs. Roessing on work in Congress; woman suffrage planks in national conventions at Chicago and St. Louis; interviewing presidential candidates; revised plan for work of association—Dr. Shaw on Americanism and the Flag.

CHAPTER XVII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1917513

Convention in Washington under war conditions—Distinguished reception committee—Delegates interview their Congressmen; Association pledges loyalty to Government; its officers in service—New York victory celebrated—Secretary Lane brings President Wilson's greetings—Mrs. Catt's great address to Congress—Maud Wood Park's full report of work with Congress—New Washington headquarters—Report of Leslie Bureau of Suffrage Education—Speech of Secretary of War Baker—Dr. Shaw on Woman's Committee of Council of National Defense—Miss Hay on New York's Socialist vote—Suffrage Schools begun—Last Hearing before Senate Committee.

CHAPTER XVIII.

National Suffrage Convention of 1918-1919550

Convention of 1918 first ever omitted—War conditions—Many suffrage gains—Jubilee Convention in St. Louis in 1919—Mrs. Catt calls for League of Women Voters—Mrs. Shuler's secretary's report of greatest year's work, State campaigns, war service, work with Congress—Missouri Legislature gives Presidential suffrage—Mrs. Park's report on congressional work—Votes in House and Senate—President Wilson asks Congress for woman suffrage—Tributes to Pioneers—League of Women Voters formed—Work with Editors—Non-partisanship reaffirmed—In Washington: Hearing before new Committee on Woman Suffrage—Dr. Shaw on association's war record—Mrs. Catt's survey of situation; urges committee to talk with President—Ex-Senator Bailey's anti-suffrage speech—Mrs. Catt and Mrs. Park answer—Last suffrage hearing.

CHAPTER XIX.

National Suffrage Convention of 1920594

Call to convention in Chicago the last—Mrs. Catt's Jubilee speech—Executive Council's recommendations—Mrs. Shuler's, secretary's report of year's gains and losses, work in southern States, great effort for Ratification—Mrs. Rogers' last treasurer's report—Smithsonian Institution gives space for suffrage mementoes—Memorial meeting for Dr. Shaw, college foundations—Miss Anthony's centennial celebrated—League of Women Voters perfected.

CHAPTER XX.

Story of Federal Suffrage Amendment618

The war amendments discriminate against women—National Association formed for Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment—Women vote under the 14th—Supreme Court decides against them—Fifty years' struggle with Congress for woman suffrage amendment—Hearings before committees—Stubborn opposition—Votes and defeats—Support of parties finally gained—Planks in their platforms—Amendment submitted to Legislatures—Strenuous efforts for ratification—Victory at last.

CHAPTER XXI.

Various Woman Suffrage Associations656

Federal Suffrage Association—U. S. Elections Bill—College Women's League—Friends' Equal Rights Association—Mississippi Valley Conferences—Southern Women's Conference—International and National Men's Leagues—National Woman's Party—Women's Anti-Suffrage Association—Man Suffrage Association.

CHAPTER XXII.

League of Women Voters683

Formed in St. Louis—Mrs. Catt outlines its work—Its eight departments presented—Perfected and officers elected at Chicago—Reports from department chairmen—Laws for women demanded—Citizenship Schools—League asks planks in national political conventions—Visits presidential candidates.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Woman Suffrage in Presidential Conventions702

Long struggle for planks in national platforms—Refused for nearly fifty years—Woman suffrage by State action approved in 1916—Federal Amendment endorsed in 1920—Graphic story of opposition.

CHAPTER XXIV.

War Service of Organized Suffragists720

Mrs. Catt calls Executive Council of One Hundred to Washington—It sends letter to President Wilson offering services of National American Association—Organizes four departments of work—Mass meeting held, Secretary of War Baker speaks—President expresses approval of the association's work—Woman's Committee of Government Council of National Defense formed, Dr. Shaw appointed chairman, Mrs. Catt and other leading suffragists made members—Reports of department heads at National Suffrage convention—Report of association's Oversea Hospitals, their important work—Anti-suffrage women attack suffrage leaders—After Armistice Mrs. Catt calls meeting in New York, which requests President Wilson to appoint women delegates to Peace Conference in Paris—Woman's Committee of National Defense ends work—Secretary Baker's tribute to Dr. Shaw.

APPENDIX.

Appendix741

Moncure D. Conway's address at Mrs. Stanton's funeral—Miss Anthony's last letter to her—National American Association's Declaration of Principles—Memorial building in Rochester for Miss Anthony—Speech of Mrs. Catt at Senate hearing in 1910—Same in 1915—Review of Shafroth Federal Suffrage Amendment—Different National headquarters—Bequest of Mrs. Frank Leslie—Memorial tributes to Dr. Shaw—Present Status of National American Association.

Contents of Illustrations added by Bank of Wisdom

INTRODUCTION

A voice in the Government under which one lives is absolutely necessary to personal liberty and the right of a whole people to a voice in their Government is the first requisite for a free country. There must be government by a constitution made with the consent and help of the people which guarantees this right. It is only within the last century and a half that a constitutional form of government has been secured by any countries and in the most of those where it now exists, not excepting the United States, it was won through war and bloodshed. Largely for this reason its principal advantage was monopolized by men, who made and carried on war, and who held that such government must be maintained by physical force and only those should have a voice in it who could fight for it if necessary. There were many other reasons why those who had thus secured their right to a vote should use their new power to withhold it from women, which was done in every country. Women then had to begin their own contest for what by the law of justice was theirs as much as men's when government by constitution was established.

Their struggle lasted for nearly three-quarters of a century in the United States and half a century in Great Britain, the two largest constitutional governments, and a shorter time in other countries, but it was a peaceful revolution. Not a drop of blood was spilled and toward the end of it, when in Great Britain the only militancy occurred, its leaders gave the strictest orders that human life must be held sacred. Although at the last the women of Central Europe were enfranchised as the result of war it was not of their making and their part in it was not on the battlefield. This was the most unequal contest that ever was waged, for one side had to fight without weapons. It was held against women that they were not educated, but the doors of all institutions of learning were closed against them; that they were not taxpayers, although money-earning occupations were barred to them and if married they were not allowed to own property. They were kept in subjection by authority of the Scriptures and were not permitted to expound them from the woman's point of view, and they were prevented from pleading their cause on the public platform. When they had largely overcome these handicaps they found themselves facing a political fight without political power.

The long story of the early period of this contest will be found in the preceding volumes of this History and it is one without parallel. No class of men ever strove seventy or even fifty years for the suffrage. In every other reform which had to be won through legislative bodies those who were working for it had the power of the vote over these bodies. In the Introduction to Volume IV is an extended review of the helpless position of woman when in 1848 the first demand for equality of rights was made and her gradual emergence from its bondage. No sudden revolution could have gained it but only the slow processes of evolution. The founding of the public school system with its high schools, from which girls could not be excluded, solved the question of their education and inevitably led to the opening of the colleges. In the causes of temperance and anti-slavery women made their way to the platform and remained to speak for their own. During the Civil War they entered by thousands the places vacated by men and retained them partly from necessity and partly from choice.

One step led to another; business opportunities increased; women accumulated property; Legislatures were compelled to revise the laws and the church was obliged to liberalize its interpretation of the Scriptures. Women began to organize; their missionary and charity societies prepared the way to clubs for self-improvement; these in turn broadened into civic organizations whose public work carried them to city councils and State Legislatures, where they found themselves in the midst of politics and wholly without influence. Thus they were led into the movement for the suffrage. It was only a few of the clear thinkers, the far seeing, who realized at the beginning that the principal cause of women's inferior position and helplessness lay in their disfranchisement and until they could be made to see it they were a dead weight on the movement. Men fully understood the power that the vote would place in the hands of women, with a lessening of their own, and in the mass they did not intend to concede it.

The pioneers in the movement for the rights of women, of which the suffrage was only one, contested every inch of ground and little by little the old prejudice weakened, public sentiment was educated, barriers were broken down and women pressed forward. At the opening of the present century, while they had not obtained entire equality of rights, their status had been completely transformed in most respects and they were prepared to get what was lacking. None of these gains, however, had required the permission of the masses of men but only of selected groups, boards of trustees, committees, legislators. It was when women found that with all their rights they were at tremendous disadvantage without political influence and asked for the suffrage that they learned the difficulty of changing constitutions. They found that either National or State constitutions had to be amended and in the latter case the consent of a majority of all men was necessary. In Volume VI the attempt to obtain the vote through State action is described in 48 chapters and their reading is recommended to those who insisted that this was the way women should be enfranchised. Fifty-six strenuous campaigns were conducted, with their heavy demands on time, strength and money, and as a result 13 States gave suffrage to women! Wyoming and Utah entered the Union with it in their constitutions. Compare this result with the proclamation of the adoption of a Federal Amendment, which in a moment and a sentence conferred the complete franchise on the women of all the other States.

The leaders recognized this advantage and the National Suffrage Association was formed for the express purpose of securing a Federal Amendment in 1869, as soon as it was learned through the enfranchisement of negro men that this method was possible. A short experience with Congress convinced them that there would have to be some demonstration of woman suffrage in the States before they could hope for Federal action and therefore they carried on the work along both lines. The question had to be presented purely as one of abstract justice without appeal to the special interests of any party, but from 1890 to 1896 woman suffrage had been placed in the constitutions of four States and there was hope that it was now on the way to general success. From this time, however, such idealism in politics as may have existed in the United States gradually disappeared. The Republican party was in complete control of the Government at Washington and was largely dominated by the great financial interests of the country, and this was also practically the situation in the majority of the States. The campaign fund controlled the elections and the largest contributors to this fund were the corporations, which had secured immense power, and the liquor interests, which had become a dominant force in State and national politics, without regard to party. Both of these supreme influences were implacably opposed to suffrage for women; the corporations because it would vastly increase the votes of the working classes, the liquor interests because they were fully aware of the hostility of women to their business and everything connected with it.

This was the situation faced by those who were striving for the enfranchisement of women. Congress was stone deaf to their pleadings and arguments and from 1894 to 1913 its committees utterly ignored the question. When a Legislature was persuaded to submit an amendment to the State constitution to the decision of the voters it met the big campaign fund of the employers of labor and the thoroughly organized forces of the liquor interests, which appealed not only to the many lines of business connected with the traffic but to the people who for personal reasons favored the saloons and their collateral branches of gambling, wine rooms, etc. They were a valuable adjunct to both political parties. The suffragists met these powerful opponents without money and without votes. A reading of the State chapters will demonstrate these facts. From 1896 for fourteen years not one State enfranchised its women.

These were years, however, of marvelous development in the status of women, which every year brought nearer their political recognition. Girls outnumbered boys in the high schools; women crowded the colleges and almost monopolized the teaching in the public schools. Their organizations increased in size until they numbered millions and stretched across the seas. In 1904 the International Woman Suffrage Alliance was formed which soon encircled the globe. This year the International Council of Women, the largest organized body of women in existence, formed a standing committee on woman suffrage with branches in every country. In 1914 the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the largest organization in the United States, declared for woman suffrage and this was preceded or followed by a similar declaration by every State Federation. National associations of women for whatever purpose, with almost no exceptions, demanded the franchise as an aid to their objects, until the stock objection that women do not want to vote was silenced. Women who opposed the movement became alarmed and undertook to organize in opposition, thereby exposing their weakness. Their organization was largely confined to a small group of eastern States and developed no strength west of the Allegheny mountains. Its leaders were for the most part connected with corporate interests and did not believe in universal suffrage for men. There was no evidence that they exercised any considerable influence in Congress or in any State where a vote was taken on granting the franchise to women.

An outstanding feature of the present century has been the entrance of women into the industrial field, following the work which under modern conditions was taken from the homes to the factories. Thus without their volition they became the competitors of men in practically every field of labor. Unorganized and without the protection of a vote they were underpaid and a menace to working men. In self-defense, therefore, the labor unions were compelled to demand the ballot for women. They were followed by other organizations of men until hundreds were on record as favoring woman suffrage. Men trying to bring about civic or political reforms in the old parties or through new ones and feeling their weakness turned to women with their great organizations but soon realized their inefficiency without political power. The old objections were losing their force. The lessening size of families and the removal of the old time household tasks from the home left women with a great deal of leisure which they were utilizing in countless ways that took them out into the world, so that there was no longer any weight in the charge that the suffrage would cause women to forsake their domestic duties for public life. Women of means began coming into the movement for the suffrage and relieving the financial stringency which had constantly limited the activities of the organized work. The opening of large national headquarters in New York, the great news center of the country, in 1909, marked a distinct advance in the movement which was immediately apparent throughout the country. The friendly attitude of the metropolitan papers extended to the press at large. Following the example of England, parades and processions and various picturesque features were introduced in New York and other large cities which gave the syndicates and motion pictures material and interested the public. Woman suffrage became a topic of general discussion and women flocked into the suffrage organizations.

Politicians took notice but they remained cold. This political question had not yet entered politics. The leaders of the National Suffrage Association strengthened its lines and established its outposts in every State, but they still made their appeals to unyielding committees of Congress. The Republican machine was in absolute control and woman suffrage had long been under its wheels with other reform measures. Then came in 1909-10 the insurgency in its own ranks led by members from the western States, and in those States the voters repudiated the railroad and lumber and other corporate interests and instituted a new régime. One of its first acts was the submission of a woman suffrage amendment in the State of Washington and with a free election and a fair count it was carried in every county and received a majority of more than two to one. The revolt extended to California, whose Legislature sent an amendment to the voters in 1911 after having persistently refused to do so for the past 15 years, and here again there was victory at the polls. With the gaining of this old and influential State the extension of the movement to the Mississippi was assured.

The insurgency in the Republican party resulted in a division at the national convention in 1912 and the forming of the Progressive party headed by Theodore Roosevelt. The Resolutions Committee of the regular party gave the suffragists seven minutes to present their claims and ignored them. The new party needed a fresh, live issue and found it in woman suffrage, which was made a plank in its platform. The leaders of the National Suffrage Association were required by its constitution to remain non-partisan and with one exception did so, but thousands of women rallied to the standard of the new party. As most of them were disfranchised they brought little voting strength but the other parties were forced to admit them and for the first time they gained a foothold in politics. The division in Republican ranks resulted in putting into power the Democratic party, with an unfavorable record on woman suffrage and a President who was opposed to it, but votes for women was now a national political issue.

When the suffrage leaders went to the new Congress for a Federal Amendment they met a Senate Committee every member but one of which was in favor of it. The vote in the Senate on March 14, 1914, resulted in a majority but not the required two-thirds, and it was a majority of Republicans. The history of the struggle for this amendment for the next six years, through Democratic and Republican administrations, will be found in Chapter XX. Speaker Champ Clark was a steadfast friend. In 1914 William Jennings Bryan declared for it and thenceforth spoke for it many times. In 1915 President Woodrow Wilson announced his conversion to woman suffrage and in 1918 to the Federal Amendment and never wavered in his loyalty, rendering every assistance in his power. His record will be found in these volumes. In 1916, after Justice Charles Evans Hughes was nominated by the Republicans for the presidency, he announced his adherence to the Federal Amendment, being in advance of his party. This year the Republican and Democratic national platforms for the first time contained a plank in favor of woman suffrage but by State and not Federal action. A remarkable feature of the progress of this amendment in Congress was the increase of its advocates among members from the South, who for the most part believed it to be an interference with the State's rights. In 1887, when the first vote was taken in the Senate not one southern member voted for it. On the second occasion in 1914 Senators Lea of Tennessee, Ransdell of Louisiana, Sheppard of Texas, Ashurst of Arizona and Owen of Oklahoma voted in favor. In 1919 on the final vote, if Arizona, New Mexico and Delaware are included, 17 Senators from southern States cast their ballots for the Federal Amendment, and four from northern States who did so were born in the South. It received the votes of 75 Representatives from southern States. The women of every southern State suffrage association worked for this amendment, believing that it was hopeless to expect their enfranchisement from State action, and the above members took the same view. It received a large Republican majority in Senate and House.

While this contest was in progress many events were taking place which had an influence on it. The movement for woman suffrage was progressing in Europe but when the war broke out in 1914, involving all countries, it was thought that all advance was lost. On the contrary the splendid service of the women obtained the franchise for them in Great Britain, The Netherlands and other countries, and at the close of the war the revolution in the Central countries resulted in the suffrage for men and women alike. The war work of Canadian women brought full enfranchisement to them. When the United States entered the war the patriotic response of the women to every demand of the Government and the magnificent service they rendered swept away forever the objection to their voting because they could not do military duty.

Stimulated by the action of Washington and California other western States gave suffrage to their women and its practical working effectually disproved every charge that had been made against it. At the close of 1915 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt became president of the National Association and bringing to bear her great executive and organizing ability she re-formed it along the lines followed by the political parties, created a large, active working force and prepared for intensive State and national campaigns. Soon afterwards she received a legacy of almost a million dollars from Mrs. Frank Leslie to be used for promoting the cause of woman suffrage and thus she was equipped for carrying the movement to certain victory.

In 1917 the voters of New York State by an immense majority gave the full suffrage to women, guaranteeing probably 45 votes in Congress for the Federal Amendment. In 1917 and 1918 the great drive was made on the Legislatures to give women the right to vote for Presidential electors and this was done in 14 States, granting this important privilege to millions of women. In several States the Legislature added the franchise for municipal and county officers. In 1917 the Legislature of Arkansas gave them the right to vote at all Primary elections and in 1918 that of Texas conferred the same, which is equivalent to the full suffrage, as the primaries decide the elections. By 1918 in 15 States women had equal suffrage with men through amendment of their constitutions.[2]

In January, 1918, the Federal Prohibition Amendment went into effect, putting an end to the powerful opposition of the liquor interests to woman suffrage. All political parties were committed to the Federal Amendment. In January, 1918, it passed the Lower House of Congress but the opposition of two Senators and finally of one prevented its submission. Meanwhile the Democratic administration of eight years had been succeeded by a Republican. This party during 44 years in power had refused to enfranchise women but now it atoned for the wrong and with the help of Democratic members the Amendment was submitted to the Legislatures on June 4, 1919. Nearly all had adjourned for two years and if women were to vote at the next presidential election special sessions would be necessary. One of the most noteworthy political feats on record was that of the president of the National Suffrage Association, with the assistance of others, in managing to have the Governors of the various States call these sessions. It is told in the State chapters with the dramatic ending in Tennessee.

The certificate was delivered to Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby at 4 o'clock in the morning on August 26, 1920, and at 9 he issued the official proclamation that the 19th Amendment having been duly ratified by 36 State Legislatures has become valid to all intents and purposes as a part of the Constitution of the United States. It reads as follows:

"The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] It is worthy of note that these fifteen States offer the only instance in the world where the voters themselves granted the complete suffrage to women. Those of British Columbia, Can., gave the Provincial franchise but had not the power to give it for Dominion elections. In all countries both the State and National suffrage was conferred by a simple majority vote of their Parliaments. The U. S. Congress had not this authority but a two-thirds majority of each House was necessary to send it to the 48 Legislatures for final decision. The Federal Suffrage Amendment had to be passed upon by about 6,000 legislators.

THE NATIONAL AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION

FOREWORD

The National Woman Suffrage Association was organized in New York City, May 15, 1869, with Elizabeth Cady Stanton president and Susan B. Anthony chairman of executive committee. [History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II, page 400.] It held annual conventions for the next half century, always in Washington, D.C., until 1895, after which date they were taken in alternate years to other cities, meeting in the national capital during the first session of each Congress. The object of the association from its beginning was to obtain an amendment to the Federal Constitution which would confer full, universal suffrage on the women of the United States, and its work for amending the constitutions of the States to enfranchise their women was undertaken as one means to achieve this main purpose. The American Woman Suffrage Association was organized in Cleveland, Ohio, Nov. 24, 1869, with Henry Ward Beecher president and Lucy Stone chairman of executive committee, principally for action through the States, and it also held annual conventions. [Volume II, page 756.] In 1890 the two united in Washington under the name National American Woman Suffrage Association [Volume IV, page 164], and the work was continued by both methods. Full reports of conventions may be found in preceding volumes of the History of Woman Suffrage, the list ending in Volume IV with that of 1900. This convention was especially distinguished by the public celebration of the 80th birthday of Susan B. Anthony and her retirement from the presidency of the association which she had helped to found and in which she had continuously held official position, and by the election of Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt as her successor.[3]

The assertion is frequently made that the enfranchisement of women was due to a natural evolution of public sentiment. A reading of the following chapters, which give the history of the work of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, will show how largely the creation of this sentiment was due to this organization to which all the State associations were auxiliary. It represented the organized movement during half a century to secure the vote for women—a struggle such as was never made by men for this right in any country in the world. It was the only large organization for this purpose that ever existed in the United States and its efforts never ceased in the more than fifty years. At each annual convention some advance was recorded. These chapters show that, while the principal object of the association was a Federal Amendment, it gave valuable assistance to every campaign for the amendment of State constitutions and that it was responsible for the granting of the Presidential franchise, which was so important a factor in gaining the final victory. The reports of its officers each year show the large amount of money raised and expended, the hundreds of thousands of letters written, the millions of pieces of literature circulated, the thousands of meetings held, the many workers in the field. The committee reports and the resolutions adopted show that all reforms vital to the welfare of women and children and many of a wider scope were included in the work of the association. The names of the speakers at the national conventions and at the hearings before the committees of Congress during all these years prove that this cause was championed by the leaders among the men and women of their generation. Such quotations from their speeches as space has permitted show that in eloquence, logic and strength they were unsurpassed and that their arguments were unanswerable.

If this volume contained only the first nineteen chapters the reader could not fail to be convinced that principally to the efforts of the National American Woman Suffrage Association the women of the United States owe their enfranchisement, but it shows too that in the forty-eight auxiliary States they also fought their own hard battles.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV, Chapters XX and XXI.

CHAPTER I.

THE NATIONAL AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1901.

The Thirty-third annual convention opened on the afternoon of May 30, 1901, in the First Baptist Church of Minneapolis, with the new president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, in the chair, and continued through June 4, with 144 delegates from twenty-six States present.[4]

Miss Anthony was present at this Minneapolis convention, alert and vigorous but happy to relinquish her official duties to one in whose ability and judgment she had implicit confidence; and the rest of the official board were there ready to give the same allegiance and loyalty to the new chief which they had rendered for many years to the supreme leader. The Minneapolis Journal said: The formal opening of the suffrage convention yesterday afternoon was an impressive affair. Among the national officers seated on the platform were women who saw the first dawn of the suffrage movement, those who came into its fold midway of its life and those whose earnest endeavors are of more recent record. Among the first was the most honored member of the body, Miss Susan B. Anthony, and among the latter is the president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt. When the delegates rose and the Rev. Olympia Brown of Wisconsin stepped to the front of the platform and turned her face heavenward, saying, In the name of liberty, Our Father, we thank thee, the impression even upon an unbeliever must have been that of entire consecration and one was reminded of when the early Christians met and consulted, fought and endured for the faith that was in them.

Although this was the first convention in many years over which Miss Anthony had not presided she was the first to speak, as Mrs. Catt at once presented her to the audience. With the loyalty which had characterized her life Miss Anthony first read a letter from the honorary president, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, then in her 86th year, which she prefaced by saying: It is fitting that I should read this greeting from her, as I have stood by Mrs. Stanton's side for fifty years. The letter urged the same vigorous work in the church for woman's emancipation as had been kept up in the States and said: The canon law, with all the subtle influences that grow out of it, is more responsible for woman's slavery today than the civil code. With the progressive legislation of the last half century we have an interest in tracing the lessons taught to women in the churches to their true origin and a right to demand from our theologians the same full and free discussion in the church that we have had in the State, as the time has fully come for women to be heard in the ecclesiastical councils of the nation. To this end I suggest that committees and delegates from all our State and national associations visit the clergy in their several localities and assemblies to press on their consideration the true position of woman as a factor in Christian civilization.

Press reports of Mrs. Stanton's paper were as follows:

Woman today, as ever, supplies the enthusiasm that sustains the church and she has a right in turn to ask that the church sustain her in this struggle for liberty and take some decided action with reference to this momentous and far-reaching movement. It matters little that here and there some clergyman advocates our cause on our platform, so long as no religious organization has yet recognized our demand as a principle of justice. Discussion is rarely held in their councils but it is generally treated as a speculative, sentimental question unworthy of serious consideration. Neither would it be sufficient if they gave their adhesion to the demand for political equality, so long as by scriptural teachings they perpetuate our racial and religious subordination. Mrs. Stanton would demand that an expurgated Bible be read in churches. Such parables as refer to woman as 'the author of sin,' 'an inferior,' 'a subject,' 'a weaker vessel,' she says, should be relegated to the ancient mythologies as mere allegories, having no application whatever to the womanhood of this generation. It is not civil nor political power that holds the Mormon woman in polygamy, the Turkish woman in the harem, the American woman as a subordinate everywhere. The central falsehood from which all these different forms of slavery spring is the doctrine of original sin and woman as a medium for the machinations of Satan, its author. The greatest block today in the way of woman's emancipation is the church, the canon law, the Bible and the priesthood. Canon Charles Kingsley said not long ago: 'This will never be a good world for woman till the last remnant of canon law is stricken from the face of the earth.'[5]

After finishing Mrs. Stanton's letter Miss Anthony presented her own greeting, in the course of which she said:

If the divine law visits the sins of the parents upon the children, equally so does it transmit to them the virtues of the parents. Therefore if it is through woman's ignorant subjection to man's appetites and passions that the life current of the race is corrupted, then must it be through her intelligent emancipation that it shall be purified and her children rise up and call her blessed.... I am a full and firm believer in the revelation that it is through woman the race is to be redeemed. For this reason I ask for her immediate and unconditional emancipation from all political, industrial, social and religious subjection. It is said, 'Men are what their mothers made them,' but I say that to hold mothers responsible for the characters of their sons while denying to them any control over the surroundings of the sons' lives is worse than mockery, it is cruelty. Responsibilities grow out of rights and powers. Therefore before mothers can rightfully be held responsible for the vices and crimes, for the general demoralization of society, they must possess all possible rights and powers to control the conditions and circumstances of their own and their children's lives.

The audience then listened with keen appreciation to the president's address, during which she said: If I were asked what are the great obstacles to the speedy enfranchisement of women I should answer: There are three; the first is militarism, which once dominated the entire thought of the world and made its history. Although its old power is gone and its influence upon public thought grows constantly less, it still molds the opinions of millions of people and holds them to the old ideals of force in government and headship in the family. The second obstacle is the unconscious, unmeasured influence upon the estimate in which women as a whole are held that emanates from that most debasing of our evil institutions, prostitution.... The third great cause is the inertia in the growth of democracy which has come as a reaction following the aggressive movements that with possibly ill-advised haste enfranchised the foreigner, the negro and the Indian. Perilous conditions, seeming to follow from the introduction into the body politic of vast numbers of irresponsible citizens, have made the nation timid. These three influences, born of centuries of tradition, shape every opinion of the opponents of woman suffrage. Not an objection, argument or excuse can be urged against the movement which may not be traced to one of these causes.

At the close of Mrs. Catt's address Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Denver presented her with a handsome gavel in behalf of the suffrage association of Colorado. The gavel was made of Colorado silver and the settings and engravings of Colorado gold. In one side was a Colorado amethyst, and the Colorado flower, the columbine, was burned into the gavel by a Colorado girl. Mrs. Bradford said she wished Mrs. Catt the good luck said to follow the possessor of an amethyst, who shall speak the right word at the right time. She presented it as an expression of gratitude for her aid in their successful suffrage campaign of 1893. We are apt to attribute everything good in Colorado to woman suffrage, said Mrs. Catt in response, but in my secret mind I think much of it is due to the progressiveness of the Colorado men. They must be better than other men or they would not have enfranchised their women. I cannot love Colorado any better than I do but I shall always value this gavel as a precious souvenir of that wonderful campaign.

In her report as vice-president at large the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw said regarding her many suffrage speeches during the year: The manager of a bureau lately said to me: 'If you would only give up for a time the two reforms in which you are most interested, woman suffrage and prohibition, you could earn enough money on the regular lecture platform in a few years to live on for the rest of your life.' Any woman who does not live for unselfish service is a useless cumberer of the earth. I would rather be known as an advocate of equal suffrage and starve than to speak every night on the best-paying platforms in the United States and ignore it.

The first evening of the convention was opened with prayer by the Rev. Marion H. Shutter.[6] The audience was