OSCOW’S PROPAGANDA OPERATIONS are famous for their reach and effectiveness. Russian media operatives have not only weaponized social media, meddling in American and European elections, they’ve continued to be major players in inflaming the U.S. ongoing culture wars and political divides.
At home, Vladimir Putin has for years consolidated and tightened his grip on state media to control public opinion and crush any rumblings of dissent. It’s been widely reported that every week, Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov holds meetings with editors from the main newspapers to ensure cohesion across the press. “Secret instructions” are also issued on current talking points to encourage editors to think of particular lines and stories.
The failures and confusion of Russia’s war on Ukraine, however, have shown growing cracks in Putin’s propaganda machine. Official media have had trouble explaining the war to the Russian public. As the conflict has continued with no end in sight, Putin’s mouthpieces have increasingly contradicted themselves and in a few cases even dared to speak truths about the war that have sent some Putin critics to prison.
The media chaos reached a peak following the Wagner Group mutiny in June. Wagner and its founder Yevgeny Prigozhin, hailed as Russian heroes particulary for their role taking the town of Bakhmut, were now traitors. But some Russian politicians and media downplayed the revolt and Putin’s spokesman Peskov had to reverse his earilier denials that the president had met with Prigozhin and his men after the mutiny.
As Russian propaganda has collided more directly
