The Independent Review

Operation Keelhaul: Forced Repatriation after World War II

At 5:00 a.m. on Sunday, the sleeping prisoners of war were surprised by the glare from searchlights mounted on tanks surrounding their compound. Soldiers barged into the barracks, and the prisoners were dragged outside, lined up, searched, and eventually loaded onto waiting trucks. Well-armed guards beat prisoners who resisted. The trucks drove to the nearby railhead, where the prisoners were unloaded into cattle cars. The empty trucks returned and picked up load after load. When all 1,590 prisoners had been stuffed aboard the train, it carted them off for eventual transfer to slave-labor camps or to be executed. The date was February 24, 1946. The location was near Plattling, a town in Bavaria, Germany. The prisoners were Russian, but the soldiers were not German. They were Americans of the US Third Army, who were engaging in an action that had become commonplace in Europe at the close of World War II. For the Russian prisoners were refugees from Joseph Stalin’s dictatorship, remnants of the Second KONR Division of Andrei Vlasov’s anti-Communist army. They were being repatriated, by force, to the Soviet Union.

I use the term “Russian” throughout this essay the way it was used at the time and in nearly all sources to encompass both Ukrainians and Belorussians. What are today exclusively designated as Russians were then referred to as “Great Russians.” During the war, around 5.2 million Soviet nationals, including all ethnicities, survived being held in German occupied territory, either as POWs, forced laborers, or simply refugees fleeing to the West from the successful advance of the Red armies. An estimated two million of these soldiers and civilians were located in the zones seized and controlled by the Western powers. Most were ultimately collected and repatriated, either voluntarily or forcibly, into the anxious arms of the Soviets as part of one of the most massive and yet still relatively little-known operations of the Allies during and after World War II. Of the many phases of this policy, only a later one got the official label “Operation Keelhaul,” after one of the most severe forms of torture used aboard sailing ships. But until most of the official records were declassified in 1967, it was the code name that became known as a fitting term for the entire policy.1

Like the prisoners at Plattling, some of those forcibly repatriated had fought in German uniforms. When the German armies had first invaded the Soviet Union, some Soviet subjects considered the event an opportunity for overthrowing Stalin. Even after being disillusioned by Adolf Hitler’s merciless and murderous occupation policies, there were still a few who felt that German oppression was the lesser of two evils. Furthermore, many German officers disagreed with Hitler’s policies, and it wasn’t long before they were silently tolerating the employment of Russian deserters and prisoners of war, first as support troops, in which capacity they became known as Hilfsfreiwillige, and later as combat troops, who were called Osttruppen.

In July 1942, the Germans captured General Andrei A. Vlasov, a Soviet (ROA), Russian Army of Liberation. Vlasov’s proposal did succeed in gaining a few concessions: the were given official sanction, recruited until they totaled nearly one million men, and even issued ROA insignia. However, the ROA was never allowed to organize above the battalion level and, for the most part, was subordinated and submerged within larger German units. Vlasov was given no real authority; instead, he was subjected to unceasing but mostly unsuccessful attempts to use him for propaganda purposes and to get him to glorify Hitler. Finally, most of the ROA units were transferred to the Western Front, where many never wanted to fight in the first place.

You’re reading a preview, subscribe to read more.

More from The Independent Review

The Independent Review22 min read
Seeing The State Through "For A New Liberty"
The central chapter of Murray Rothbard’s For a New Liberty is “The State.” The central moment of that chapter is when Rothbard tells us that “if you wish to know how libertarians regard the State and any of its acts, simply think of the State as a cr
The Independent Review8 min read
"For a New Liberty" after Fifty Years
When For a New Liberty was published in 1973, it soon became one of the key books of the libertarian movement, and it has retained this status ever since. Why is this so? The principal reason is that Murray Rothbard, the book’s author, set forward in
The Independent Review7 min readPolitical Ideologies
Following Their Leaders: Political Preferences and Public Policy
By Randall G. Holcombe New York: Cambridge University Press, 2023. Pp. xv + 200. $34.99 paperback. Some scholars criticize the Public Choice approach for being too pessimistic about government (generally) and democracy (in particular). But James Buch

Related Books & Audiobooks