Singapore spy case: can Beijing leverage overseas Chinese in struggle with US?

Yeo, 39, also known as Yeo Jun Wei, was a PhD candidate at the National University of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.

One post was by his former schoolmate American citizen Will Nguyen, who made international headlines when he was deported from Vietnam in 2018 after taking part in a protest against investments from China.

"Not only was [Yeo] responsible for countless pro-Chinese hot takes in [university] Facebook groups, but he also tried to contact me for whatever reason, multiple times after I got out of prison," recalled Nguyen.

Another acquaintance, who contacted This Week in Asia, said Yeo had mentioned having a job writing reports for a consultancy in China. He said Yeo had a keen interest in US-China relations, with an inclination towards Beijing.

At the same time as discussing Yeo's case, many users were sharing a thread on Reddit's Singapore community page, in which a user named "Poppraline", who described herself as a Singaporean, asked for advice on her father's "self-radicalisation". Poppraline said her father had a strong interest in pro-China content, such as videos depicting China as a sleeping lion and saying the disputed islands in the South China Sea belonged to the emerging Asian superpower.

Both cases have reignited a wider debate on the extent of Beijing's influence over ethnic Chinese communities throughout Southeast Asia and, in the light of Yeo's guilty plea, its ability to manipulate cultural and ethnic ties to recruit intelligence operatives. The issue is particularly delicate in Singapore, the only place outside mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan to have a majority Chinese population. Given that Singapore has larger, Muslim-majority neighbours, the country has been careful to ensure that it is not seen as a "third China", as its prime minister Lee Hsien Loong put it.

But such concerns also exist in countries where Chinese are not the majority, such as in Malaysia. In 2015, then Chinese ambassador Huang Huikang created a stir when he said Beijing opposed "any form of discrimination against races". He also warned that China would not sit idly by if the rights of Chinese citizens were violated, prompting worries in the region over China's interventionist tendencies. Huang, who was summoned to clarify his meaning, made the remarks before a planned rally by a Malay-dominated pro-government group that was reported to be demanding more Malay participation in the popular Petaling Street market known as Chinatown.

www.scmp.com>US-China relationship, which is not only roiling markets, disrupting supply chains and testing alliances across the world but is also prompting Beijing to go on a soft power push in search of moral and verbal support overseas.

Malaysian sales manager Chng Keng Hock, 59, had long wanted to visit Tiananmen Square, the Great Wall of China and Mount Emei, but only found the time and means to do so when he retired two years ago. His first and only visit to China was a two-week holiday to Beijing, Sichuan and Yunnan. Awed by what he saw, on his return he could not stop thinking about China's long and fascinating history.

"Ancient Chinese civilisation is something that overseas descendants including myself can be proud of," Chng said, adding that "a strong and powerful China is good for overseas Chinese as it means we will not be easily bullied".

Unwilling to elaborate on his "bullying" comment, Chng said only that overseas Chinese were often held in contempt because of China's weakness and slow development before its reform and opening up in the late 1970s.

Chng's sentiments are common among his generation, many of whom have memories of when China seemed to be in constant turmoil.

Peter T.C. Chang of the University of Malaya Institute of China Studies said the country's resurgence had for many ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and Malaysia rekindled a sentimental attachment to their ancestral homeland.

Ethnic Chinese form about 2 per cent of Indonesia's 270-million population and about 23 per cent of Malaysia's 30-million population.

"The common sentiment is that for much of the 20th century, the Chinese civilisation, including China and the overseas Chinese, was downtrodden and languished in the doldrums. China's rise is restoring some lost confidence and pride," Chang said.

"The older generation is clearly excited with these uplifting developments as many lived through those darker chapters in Chinese history."

But in terms of identity, Chang said most overseas Chinese straddled two worlds. In the case of Malaysia, most shared "a sense of pride in China's rise" but also "a deep sense of their Malaysian identity".

In neighbouring Singapore, the pull of Chinese ethnicity among the younger generation is seen as weaker, largely due to Western influences but also because of a robust national education programme on the small state's sovereignty.

Second- or third-generation Chinese Singaporeans did not have a strong affinity with China, said Dylan Loh, an assistant social sciences professor at Nanyang Technological University.

"This is partly a result of Singapore's own identity and state-building efforts, but also because of the cultural and ideological attraction ... such as Western cultural products and ideas," Loh said.

Agreeing, Renmin University of China's public administration and policy professor Ma Liang said emotional links between the younger generation and China had been diluted.

"The rise of China may give them confidence and pride, but a strong China is not very important to them," Ma said. Those with the strongest affinity with China tended to be those who frequently visited it, or mainland Chinese who had recently acquired citizenship in Singapore, he said.

The lack of affinity was partly due to the use of English in most ethnic Chinese households in Singapore, said Chan Ying-kit, a research fellow at Leiden University's International Institute for Asian Studies. Though many young Chinese Singaporeans are able to speak some Mandarin, many struggle to express themselves in the language. Chan said most Chinese Singaporeans would consider themselves "Singaporeans first and ethnic Chinese second".

"Most Chinese Singaporeans ... feel that they belong to a broad, fluid group of Chinese who may not speak a Chinese language, [but] enjoy various forms of entertainment from the so-called Greater China region, observe or celebrate traditional festivals, and play mahjong," Chan said.

The situation is similar in countries where ethnic Chinese are a minority.

A photo from 1940 shows Johannes Nugroho's great-grandmother (centre) with three of his uncles. Johannes' father is the infant sitting on his mother's lap. Photo: Johannes Nugroho alt=A photo from 1940 shows Johannes Nugroho's great-grandmother (centre) with three of his uncles. Johannes' father is the infant sitting on his mother's lap. Photo: Johannes Nugroho

Johannes Nugroho's grandparents migrated to Indonesia from China's Fujian province in the 1920s, though his parents became naturalised citizens only in the 1960s and 1970s.

"My parents definitely saw themselves as Chinese first and Indonesians second in terms of national identity. They always called themselves 'huaren'," said Nugroho, referring to a distinction between overseas Chinese who are Chinese citizens (huaqiao) and foreign citizens of Chinese descent (huaren).

"The discrimination they faced while growing up as Chinese reinforced their Chinese identity," added the writer and political analyst from Surabaya.

Nugroho, who was born in Indonesia, said his generation born in the late 1970s and 1980s saw themselves as Indonesians first. Like many of his counterparts, he encountered discrimination and had grown up in a period when the expression of Chinese culture and the teaching of the language were forbidden by the government.

"Not many of us speak Chinese. I do speak Mandarin because I used to watch a lot of Taiwanese films and TV series," said Nugroho. He pointed out that Chinese Indonesians who grew up after 1998 - when President Suharto was forced to resign after racially fuelled unrest - were allowed to learn Mandarin formally.

Indonesian mobs burn cars and Chinese shops during riots in 1998. Photo: AFP alt=Indonesian mobs burn cars and Chinese shops during riots in 1998. Photo: AFP

Leo Suryadinata, senior visiting fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, said younger ethnic Chinese Indonesians who grew up in the Suharto era were different from the older generation.

"The majority of this generation are oriented towards Indonesia and actively participate in Indonesian politics. They are aware that their livelihood is in Indonesia.

"Some may feel proud of the progress of China but they do not want to live in China as they are culturally less Chinese. I do not think they would agree with the political system in China either," he said.

The allegiance of these young Indonesians could be seen clearly in issues such as the conflict between Jakarta and Beijing over the sovereignty of the Natuna waters.

"Many older-generation Chinese are caught in between and dare not express their view on the issue. But the younger-generation Chinese appear to be siding with Jakarta openly," Suryadinata said.

However, many overseas Chinese who have spent time living, working or doing business in China are less wary of the country. They see a strong China as beneficial to their professional and economic prospects.

On social media platforms, there are overseas Chinese who share their pride in a powerful China, sometimes even referring to it as their "motherland". Historic dates are often marked with jingoistic statements vowing never to forget "the century of humiliation" and never to be "oppressed" again.

Leiden University's Chan said these overseas Chinese might have conflated their sense of ethnic belonging and their support for Beijing's domestic and foreign policies.

"They identify with the 'Chinese dream' and believe mainland China is the rightful custodian of Chinese culture and traditions. In the light of such conflation, they disapprove of the Hong Kong protests and Taiwan's occasional 'defiance' of China's wishes," Chan said.

The Chinese dream is a concept President Xi Jinping has promoted since 2013 to describe a set of personal and national ethos and ideals in China.

Chinese President Xi Jinping. Photo: Xinhua alt=Chinese President Xi Jinping. Photo: Xinhua

Chan said that while this group might include members of the older generation, it could also include middle-class college graduates who engaged with China at work or in business.

However, Wasana Wongsurawat from Thailand's Chulalongkorn University said it was hard to generalise.

She said in the case of Thailand and Cambodia, the political elites were mainly pro-China, while those who supported the Hong Kong protests or the Milk Tea Alliance were persecuted.

The Milk Tea Alliance is an online movement comprising of people from Thailand, Hong Kong and Taiwan aimed at countering the increasing presence of Chinese nationalistic commentators on social media and standing up for political and civil liberties. The name comes from the popular drink in Asia.

"If the Milk Tea Alliance is any indication, Chinese overseas are not uncritically supportive of China's views and policies. Many of the netizens involved are Thai Chinese who no longer feel an attachment to the Chinese 'homeland'," Leiden University's Chan said.

In the wake of the Dickson Yeo incident, some media reports have played up fears of ethnic Chinese being co-opted for political purposes. The retired Singapore diplomat Bilahari Kausikan warned in a post on social media that "one fool like this can get all Singaporeans suspected".

In another post, regarding reports claiming there were growing fears China was recruiting spies in Singapore, Bilahari said: "This is the damage this sordid little traitor has wrought on all the rest of us."

Singapore leaders have often warned of the need to guard against the pull of ethnicity. The fears are not unfounded. China has often viewed Singapore's majority Chinese population as a reason it should support Beijing and its policies.

Many mainland Chinese internet users share the sentiment, often describing Singaporeans as "yan huang zi sun", a term that represents the Chinese people, referring to an ethnocultural identity based on a common ancestry.

Fireworks light up the sky during Lunar New Year eve celebrations in Indonesia. Photo: EPA alt=Fireworks light up the sky during Lunar New Year eve celebrations in Indonesia. Photo: EPA

However, as NTU's Loh noted, Beijing had an opportunity to exercise its influence in all Southeast Asian countries with a sizeable ethnic Chinese population. Loh added that Beijing had "not been shy to engage with overseas Chinese".

"China has leveraged on an 'imagined connection' with the overseas Chinese diaspora to achieve certain objectives and will continue to invest in these efforts," Loh said.

Suryadinata of ISEAS said Beijing in recent years had attempted to use ethnicity to gain support from overseas Chinese.

"The way Beijing did this was to blur the distinction between huaqiao and huaren," Suryadinata said.

A mural in Chinatown, Singapore. Photo: AFP alt=A mural in Chinatown, Singapore. Photo: AFP

But there are limits to China's influence, even among ethnic Chinese with a strong grasp of the language and culture.

Take Singaporean Ng Dan Ling, 26, a social media marketing consultant, for example.

Ng, who majored in Chinese in university and plays the guzheng (a Chinese instrument similar to a zither) was influenced as a child by her father, a Chinese musician and instructor.

Ng is open to the idea of relocating to China if the opportunity arises, saying the lure of China comes in part from being a Chinese and having been reminded, through literature, to "remember our roots".

However, when asked how she would react if the Chinese government wanted to recruit her, Ng said she had "a strong political stance" against it.

"I am, after all, a Singaporean, and I don't see myself as a Chinese citizen. It's more about admiring and learning the evolution of China, and acknowledging that I am a descendant of the Chinese ethnicity."

Derek Tan, a fellow Singaporean and long-time Beijing resident, agreed, saying he saw himself as a link between the two countries.

He said he shared with other Singaporeans and even government officials Chinese perspectives and world views, but often found himself clarifying to Chinese friends Singapore's position on pro-American policies and military training in Taiwan.

"Although at times [some of us] are critical of our Singapore government policies, loyalty is never in doubt," said Tan, who has lived in Beijing for 25 years.

Chinatown Food Street in Singapore. Photo: Handout alt=Chinatown Food Street in Singapore. Photo: Handout

Lye Liang Fook, a senior fellow at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, said whether an individual was susceptible to being recruited by foreign governments depended on factors such as his or her beliefs, inclinations and principles.

"It could also depend on his own individual circumstances, such as his personal experiences with the country in question, and also his own vulnerabilities or needs which may provide an opening for foreign governments to exploit," Lye said.

Some observers point out that countries other than China have tried to rally support and obtain information from their diasporas.

India, for instance, under the premiership of Narendra Modi, has reached out to its diaspora in countries such as the United States, Australia, Britain, the Gulf, and even Israel.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Photo: Reuters alt=Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Photo: Reuters

Added Wongsurawat: "The main difference between whether or not the Chinese diaspora might come under pressure for supporting China ... depends on whether or not each country enjoys democratic politics or if the authoritarian elite enjoys China's support."

University of Malaya's Chang said that since the deterioration of US-China ties, some overseas Chinese had taken a more anti-American stance which did not necessarily stem from support for China.

"Many in fact have reservations about China's one-party authoritarian regime. Their stance against America is a reaction to America's perceived hypocritical and xenophobic reaction to China's rise," Chang said.

Chang said the question of loyalty had always plagued overseas Chinese, and China's ascension as a global power was likely to increase this suspicion.

In the past, overseas Chinese have sometimes been viewed with suspicion by local Chinese communities, a sentiment that Eduardo Chan de la Cruz from the Philippines is familiar with.

Cruz runs a voluntary outfit known as Relative Finder that helps Chinese Filipinos find their long-lost family members in China. He set it up after reconnecting with his own relatives in 2003.

He said territorial disputes between China and the Philippines had not stopped Chinese-Filipinos from searching for their roots.

"We still yearn to find missing relatives and learn about the heritage we have lost in the course of assimilation. It is also a process of self-discovery which transcends politics and international conflicts," said Cruz, who has Chinese relatives on both sides of his family.

Describing himself as a well-assimilated Chinese-Filipino, Cruz said many of those he helped did not speak Chinese or understand Chinese culture.

Having grown up in Catarman in Northern Samar in the Central Philippines, Cruz was unable to learn Chinese due to a lack of Chinese schools outside the urban centres.

Cruz, who started learning Chinese in college and has often visited China since finding his relatives, said he had sometimes been asked about where his allegiance would lie if the two countries went to war.

"Definitely my allegiance will be with the Philippines as this is my homeland, where I grew up, where I am now, and where my heart is," Cruz said.

In Indonesia, Nugroho gave a similar answer: "Most Chinese Indonesians, especially the younger ones, would support Indonesia over China in the event of any conflict."

For most overseas Chinese, engaging China stems from practical considerations, such as doing business and finding employment and personal opportunities in the Asian giant.

University of Malaya's Chang said that while family ties and nostalgic memories drew the previous generation of overseas Chinese back to an ancestral homeland that was still reeling from decades of internal turmoil, today's overseas Chinese were "lured to a futuristic China, the trailblazing technological powerhouse".

This article originally appeared on the South China Morning Post (SCMP).

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