Viewpoints Series

As the Scottish people prepare for their biggest ever collective decision with a proposed referendum near at hand, The Independence Book forcefully sets out the Case for Independence. The Imperative of Independence is demonstrated by varied distinguished authors, including contributions from Neil Kay, Tom Nairn and Betty Davies. Each author tackles the subject in a different way - personal, political, historical or academic - but the key denominator is clear: Independence Must Come. BACK COVER: If you believe in the Case for Independence, this book will provide you with a stirring endorsement of your view. If you are sceptical, it might well persuade you to convert to the cause. If you are downright hostile, this book could be dangeroud - it could prompt you to rethink. Suddenly Scottish Independence is within grasp. Is this a frivolous pipedream, a romantic illusion? Or is it, as the writers of this dynamic and positive collection of essays insist, an authentic political option, feasible and beneficial? As the Scottish people prepare for their biggest ever collective decision, this book forcefully sets out the Case for Independence. The distinguished authors, from a variety of different perspectives, argue the acase for the Imperative of Independence. The case is made in various styles - personal, political, academic, historical, philosophical. But the key denominator is clear - Independence Must Come: it will be good for Scotland (and England too).REVIEWS: If anyone were to ask me if there's a handy wee book which effectively argues the case for Scottish independence and, just as importantly, counters the main Unionist objections, then this is the book I'd recommend. It does what it says on the tin.

Shortlisted for 'Polemic of the Year' at The Paddy Power/Total Politics Political Book Awards 2013!Following an introductory chapter exploring why political argument deals in probability and plausibility across interdependent areas of social activity not certainty in individual areas, this book offers a case for independence under six main headings - the democratic case, the economic case, the social case, the international case, the cultural case and the environmental case. Under each heading, the case is assessed against both the supportive evidence and the hostile evidence, from a variety of sources, concluding with a judgement of where the balance of the evidence points. The book concludes with a selection of populist objections to independence answered by summary rebuttals from the independence file. Reviews Maxwell has done his homework assiduously. The key historical, social science and political sources on the subject have been marshalled with skill and to good effect... The author writes in coherent and lucid prose so even complex economic arguments can be reaily understood and absorbed. SUNDAY HERALD This is a book of profound thought, intelligence and wit. To my mind it is the best book on the need for Scottish Independence and it certainly should be read and cherished by all of us who hope to contribute to the campaign. Stephen stimulated many of us for years, but this is his final and most powerful work. As Owen Dudley Edwards says in his Preface: "This book lifts the entire debate on Scottish independence to a new intellectual level. PAUL HENDERSON SCOTT Back Cover Independence: a nation's right to effective government by its people or for its people Evidence: interpretation of facts Risk: likelihood that outcomes will not be as predicted Wicked issues: problems perceived to be resistant to resolution What sorts of arguments and evidence should carry the most wight in assessing the case for and against Scottish independence? Given the complexity of the question and the range of the possible consequences, can either side in the argument protend to certainty, or must we simply be satisfied with probability or even plausibility? Are there criteria for sifting the competing claims and counter-claims and arriving at a rational decision on Scotland's future? In Arguing for Independence author Stephen Maxwell opens with a chapter on The Ways We Argue before exploring the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments for independence under six main headings: the democratic case the economic case the social case the international case the cultural case the environmental case. He also provides his own concise answers to some of the most frequent 'Aye but' responses to the case for independence. By offering an assessment of the case for independence across all its dimensions, Arguing for Independence fills a longstanding gap in Scotland's political bookshelf as we enter a new and critical phase in the debate on Scotland's political future.

Spanning four politically and socially tumultuous decades, Stephen Maxwell's writings explore the origins and development of the modern Scottish Nationalist movement. As an instrumental member of the SNP and a life-long socialist, Maxwell's work provides an engaging contemporary insight into the debate over Scottish independence, setting out a clear ideological and practical arguments for a socially just Scotland. The Case for Left Wing Nationalism - Maxwell's seminal 1981 pamphlet - considers the historical and cultural roots of Scottish national identity and stresses the importance of a realistic understanding of the past as the basis of a more prosperous, independent future. It concludes with Hugh MacDiarmid's prescription for a Scottish renaissance: Not Traditions - Precedents.

Blossom: 1. A term given to flowers of stone fruit trees and some other plants that flower profusely in Spring. Blossoms provide pollen to bees, and initiate cross-pollination necessary for trees to reproduce by producing fruit. 2. A peak period or stage of development. Covering topics including housing, health, language and culture, Riddoch looks at the way in which Scots identify themselves and how this needs to change in order for the country to blossom - as an independent nation or a strongly devolved one. Arguing that limited access to security and wealth has left Scots feeling like outsiders in their own country, this book tackles fundamental and personal issues of identity that matter to ordinary Scots. Designed to incite discussion and debate, this book will appeal to those who believe larger issues of self esteem and power lurk beneath the complexities of the independence debate and want to delve deeper. BACK COVER What will it take for Scotland to blossom? Imagine Scotland as a beautifully-knitted, warmth-providing sweater caught on a snag. Its wearer tries to move forward - but cannot. A pause is needed to lift the garment clear. Scotland is thus snagged. And no amount of tugging will free it from the stubborn, progress-inhibiting three-headed hook of inequality, distant control and top-down governance. Weeding out vital components of Scottish identity from decades of political and social tangle is no mean task, but it's one journalist Lesley Riddoch has undertaken. Dispensing with the tired, yo-yoing jousts over fiscal commissions, Devo Something and EU in-or-out, Blossom pinpoints both the buds of growth and the blight that's holding Scotland back. Drawing from its people, history, and the author's own passionate and outspoken perspective this is a plain-speaking but incisive call to restore control to local communities and let Scotland flourish.

At the height of the Scottish Independence debate, After Independence offers an in-depth and varied exploration of the possibilities for Scotland, from both pro and anti-independence standpoints. Drawing together over two dozen leading minds on the subject, After Independence offers a comprehensive and balanced analysis of Scotland's current and prospective political, economic, social and cultural situation. Brought together in an inclusive, accessible and informative way, After Independence asks and answers a range of questions crucial to the Independence debate and invites its readers to become involved at this crucial moment of Scottish history in the making.

Scotland: The Growing Divide is the follow-up to Scotland: The Road Divides, which was released in 2007 to significant media interest across the UK. A book ahead of its time, several of the conclusions and predictions in The Road Divides have now become a political reality. Five years on, and now facing a referendum on Scottish independence in autumn 2014, the authors focus on the changing face of politics and what that means for both Scotland and the UK. With a thorough discussion of the arguments reaching several provocative conclusions, this is a must-read for anyone with an interest in the future of this country. REVIEWS: As a response to the 'national conversation' initiated by Salmond this is an important book, and coming from a former Labour heavyweight it is, in its way, remarkable. It virtually concedes that the party that has dominated Scottish politics for the past 30 years, has lost its way, and that the old ideologies no longer count. THE TIMES[McLeish] has emerged as an advocate of a much bolder approach to devolution than many in his party seem ready for. EDINBURGH EVENING NEWS They are particularly scathing of Westminster's response to the debate… The authors note that the initial response was to point out that Westminster could take back powers from Holyrood. THE HERALD

There is only one argument for Scottish independence: the cultural argument. It was there long before North Sea oil had been discovered, and it will be here long after the oil has run out. How have perceptions of Scottish culture been shaped by its role within Britain? What would be different about culture in an Independent Scotland? Why is culture the key to the independence debate? ALEXANDER MOFFAT and ALAN RIACH take a hard look at the most neglected aspect of the argument for Scotland's distinctive national identity: the arts. Their proposition is that music, painting, architecture and, pre-eminently, literature, are the fuel and fire that makes imagination possible. Neglect them at your peril. For Moffat and Riach, jobs, health and trade are matters of material fact that need to be enlivened by imagination. How can we organise society to help us approach what the arts have to give. Why have we been so poor at representing our arts comprehensively, both within Scotland and internationally? What can be done? How might things be different? The arts are of paramount importance in the modern world. Moffat and Riach take the argument out of the hands of politicians and economists and beyond the petty squabbles of party politics. Praise for Arts of Resistance An inspiration, a revelation and education, as to the extraordinary richness and organic cohesion of twentieth-century Scottish culture, full of intellectual adventure and openness to the wider world… full of passion and intelligence… This is a landmark book. THE TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT

Great Britain, (abbreviation: UK) England, Wales and Scotland considered as a unit. The name is also often used loosely to refer to the United Kingdom. reboot, ri-bu:t , verb to restart or revive… give fresh impetus to… federal, fed ar-al, adj. having or relating to a system of government in which several states form a unity but remain independent in internal affairs. Would federalism work in the UK? Wouldn't England dominate a British federation? How would powers be distributed between federal and home Nation level? What about the House of Lords? In the run up to the historic referendum on Scottish independence there has been a plethora of tracts, articles and books arguing for and against, but there remains a gap in the literature: the case for Scotland becoming part of a 'rebooted' federal Union. It is an old, usually Liberal, dream, but one still worth fighting for. It is often assumed that federalism is somehow 'alien' to the Scottish and British constitutional tradition but in this short book journalist David Torrance argues that not only has the UK already become a quasi-federal state but that formal federation is the best way of squaring the competing demands of Nationalists and Unionists. He also uses Scotland's place within a federal UK to examine other potential reforms with a view to tackling ever-increasing inequality across the British Isles and create a more equal, successful and constitutionally coherent country.

The history of parliament in the UK has a consistent theme: the refusal to accept any binding contract with the people. This unacceptable status quo goes for Holyrood as much as for Westminster. The time has come for people to challenge the power of the ruling class. We want to see the Scottish Parliament become an institution that it has so far failed to be: an institution committed to the sovereignty of the people. We want the people of Scotland to lead the rest of the UK by example, and ensure that the actions of a government are bound by shared political and ethical values. And we propose the first step: a modest proposal, for the agreement of the people. Are you with us? 'ANGUS REID and MARY DAVIS We need a common ground, and this is a brave attempt to create that in simple and universal language … DAVE MOXHAM, Deputy General Secretary, STUCT This fascinating project has the seed of revolution in it … GEORGE GUNN, writer and broadcaster CONTENTS Prologue Call for a Constitution Introduction CHAPTER 1 The Words CHAPTER 2 The Journey Map Responses Schools CHAPTER 3 The Past The English Revolution, 1647 to 1649 The Workers' Story, 1910 to 1918 For Women, 1914 to the present day CHAPTER 4 Considering a Constitution A socialist view A view from a former Government insider A view from Iceland A view from the Red Paper Collective A view across the Meadows CHAPTER 5 Epilogue: The White Paper Acknowledgements Contributors Bibliography Petition

Small northern European states have been a major point of reference in the Scottish independence debate. For nationalists, they have been an 'arc of prosperity' while in the aftermath of the financial crash, unionists lampooned the 'arc of insolvency'. Both characterisations are equally misleading. Small states can do well in the global market place, but they face the world in very different ways. Some accept market logic and take the 'low road' of low wages, low taxes and light regulation, with a correspondingly low level of public services. Others take the 'high road' of social investment, which entails a larger public sector and higher taxes. Such a strategy requires innovative government, flexibility and social partnership. Keating and Harvey compare the experience of the Nordic and Baltic states and Ireland, which have taken very different roads and ask what lessons can be learnt for Scotland. They conclude that success is possible but that hard choices would need to be taken. Neither side in the independence debate has faced these choices squarely.

If a majority of us decide to vote YES on 18 September 2014, then that divorce from the rest of the UK is easy to do. No expensive lawyers. No cost except the travel to the polling station' No need to lift a finger. Just a cross on a ballot paper. But before you say, that's great, think on' This is a decision we will live with for the rest of our lives, and our children's and grandchildren's, for maybe centuries to come. MARIA FYFE It's been noted over and over again that women are more likely to vote NO in Scotland's Referendum 2014. There has been endless speculation as to why this may be, but until now little expression of their views has been heard. In a series of essays arguing for a NO vote at the forthcoming Scottish independence referendum, 14 women varying in age, ethnicity, political views and life experience - including Maria Fyfe, Johann Lamont MSP, Sarah Boyack MSP and Fiona O'Donnell MP - come together to make a positive case against independence. With contributions from leading current and former politicians and citizens, Women Saying No presents the arguments against independence, from a female perspective, in an attempt to widen the debate. Praise for Maria Fyfe The book she has written is a gem. It zips along on a skilful mix of genuinely funny anecdotes, telling vignettes and perceptive political analysis. It serves future historians well too, for it will serve as a necessary counterbalance to the leadership-centric books and diaries which have followed the Tony Blair - Peter Mandelson years. But it has a more immediate attraction than that. The Nats gets a good pre-referendum kicking from Oor Maria. Recalling that the Nats used to call the Scots Labour MPs 'the feeble fifty' she points out the SNP were nowhere to be seen the night a last ditch Tory filibuster failed to halt the Minimum Wage Bill. ALASDAIR BUCHAN, TRIBUNE on A Problem Like Maria A feisty, irrepressible, red flag idealist' the only woman Scottish MP in a gang of fifty. She could not be bullied, bamboozled or bribed. She did not fit comfortably in to the Procrustean bed of a biddable Blair babe. PAUL FLYNN, THE HOUSE MAGAZINE on A Problem Like Maria

As the Scotland electorate wakes up in the day after the referendum, everything has changed and nothing has changed. Scottish and UK politics is broken, it desperately needs fixed. The future of Scotland will be centre stage, but so will our democracy and the future of a Union in decline. Our politics once again needs to inspire, enthuse, educate and be relevant to the needs and aspirations of the public and reconnect with the values that underpin our society. There are urgent issues that we need to deal with now - the most important of which being rampant inequality. We have to move away from the mindless tribalism and partisanship that too often dominates much of what passes as political debate. Over the past year it has become clear that regardless of their stance on the referendum debate, the Scottish people are united on one front, the yearning for change for the betterment of their nation, their institutions and their politics. For McLeish, the referendum debate is merely the beginning. It is a symptom of the need for a more fundamental shift in the way we engage with politics in the UK and Scotland today. Former First Minister of Scotland, Henry McLeish is well placed to diagnose the crisis at the heart of Scotland and UK politics. In Rethinking Our Politics McLeish looks critically at the conditions which have created an increasingly divided and alienated public and forged Scotland's yearning for radical change. He rails against the stagnation of the union and makes a rousing and persuasive case for a complete overhaul of our political thinking, demanding that instead of making decisions on the basis of fear and insecurity, we rediscover the founding moral purpose of government. This is a must read for those who care about the future of our nation.

We live in a time of crises in a state with no moral purpose. This generation could become great by tackling Scotland's domestic problems, and the wider issues facing the world. That is only possible if we take charge, set the goal of equality and give ourselves twenty years to transform our society. We can lead ourselves to a better world. ALEX BELL Former Head of Policy to First Minister Alex Salmond, Alex Bell puts Scotland's future in a global context and sets out a way for Scotland and the UK to reform. This is a manifesto for the future free of party lines or the usual orthodoxies - if you read only one book on the referendum, make it this one. The sort of original thinking that has been so sorely missing in the debate. BEN THOMSON, Reform Scotland Badly needed as a guide for the general reader to the issues facing the Scottish people. KENNETH ROY, Scottish Review A rare work - a stimulating read that you would hope party manifestos would aspire to but rarely do. JOHN McLAREN, Centre for Public Policy for Regions A manifesto for the future. ANDY WIGHTMAN, author of The Poor Had No Lawyers… an eloquent and alarmingly persuasive book. THE SCOTSMAN, on Peak Water

Is Scottish independence incompatible with 'Labour values'? Are 'Labour values' being realised within the Union? How much really divides Yes campaigners from Labour voters? Why Not? Scotland, Labour and Independence is a passionate and often personal appeal to Labour voters (and other progressive Scots) to consider the social, economic and political gains that could be won with Scottish self-government. Bringing together a range of diverse voices - some from within the Labour Party, some from within the SNP, some from the non-aligned Left - it presents the social justice case for a Yes vote and argues that independence offers the clearest route forward for socialist and centre-left Scotland. Urgent, original and provocative, Why Not? is a vital contribution to the independence debate - and essential reading for all Scots.

So stands Scotland where it did? Not on your nelly. The professional classes in Scotland may be busy with Commissions, vows, deals, submissions and General Election planning but the wider Yes Movement is busy with huge spontaneous meetings involving hundreds, even thousands of people - gatherings like birds flocking before winter or starlings swooping to throw shapes into darkening skies. Because they can. Wee White Blossom is a post-indyref, poppadom-sized version of Blossom for folk who've already sampled the full bhuna. It updates Blossom with a new chapter on Scotland's Year of Living Dangerously. Lesley Riddoch shares her thoughts on the Smith Commission, the departure of Gordon Brown, the return of Alex Salmond and the latest developments in land reform and local control. She considers the future of the SNP, the Radical Independence Campaign, Common Weal, Women for Independence and Scottish Labour in the aftermath of the referendum. This is a plain-speaking, incisive call to restore equality and control to local communities and let Scotland flourish. Wee White Blossom is the ideal companion volume to Blossom, whether you want an update on the first edition or an appetiser before delving into the pages of the original. The most influential, passionate and constructive book to appear during the referendum campaign. Blossom seized readers because it argued for independence as means to an end - restoring control over their own lives to Scottish communities so disempowered by top-down authority that they had no real experience of democracy. NEAL ASCHERSON A brilliant, moving, well written, informative, important and valuable piece of work. ELAINE C SMITH Not so much an intervention in the independence debate as a heartfelt manifesto for a better democracy. ESTHER BREITENBACH, Scotsman