The Nation-Free Recipe: How the Triple Entente served Comintern

By Saimir A. Lolja

Readers who finished the acclaimed 2018 first edition swiftly dove into a second reading. Why the page-turning intrigue? This enriched edition builds on the book’s fundamental magnetism for the open-minded - smiling at the wonders of human psychology woven subtly through seeming coincidences. Masterfully staged events feature an ascending cast, yet nothing is random. Will you love finding yourself challenged and enthralled? The recipe is served.

Europe endured grave suffering in the 20th century, as conspiring empires played citizens against each other. This book unlocks coded fairytales in political history, made more precious by its unexpected messenger. Readers can uncover how to adjust their interpretive keys, as the powerful secretly do.

Intelligence services bank on public ignorance and misunderstanding. This book checks their ledger. Next, it explores the dicey ‘Book of Ideas’ gifting game amongst spy agencies vying for influence. Other dispatches: Implanted ideological triggers as viral memes, the Iron Curtain as an extension of divisions sown by elites, cracks in the Cambridge spy ring novel, and why updating one’s mental maps is necessary for freedom.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Austin Macauley Publishers
• Release date: Apr 26, 2024
• ISBN: 9781649797353

Saimir A. Lolja

Saimir A. Lolja, Assoc-Prof, Ph.D., PEng, BSc, BEd, Wharton School EDP, graduated in Chemical Engineering in 1987 and was a faculty member at the University of Tirana, Albania, 1987–2000. He relocated to Canada in 2000, researched at the University of Toronto 2000–2005, and lectured at Ryerson University 2002–2012. He is a scientific author and reviewer in Elsevier Science and Francis & Taylor Science journals. He authored the papers “The Proof of the Fermat’s Conjecture in the Correct Domain”, 2018, and “The Preservation of Albanian Tongue (Shqip) Since the Beginning”, 2019. His media contributions rest on history, holocaust, heritage, politics, elections, book reviews, science, psychology, and linguistics.

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About the Author

Saimir A. Lolja, Assoc-Prof, Ph.D., PEng, BSc, BEd, Wharton School EDP, graduated in Chemical Engineering in 1987 and was a faculty member at the University of Tirana, Albania, 1987–2000. He relocated to Canada in 2000, researched at the University of Toronto 2000–2005, and lectured at Ryerson University 2002–2012. He is a scientific author and reviewer in Elsevier Science and Francis & Taylor Science journals. He authored the papers The Proof of the Fermat’s Conjecture in the Correct Domain, 2018, and The Preservation of Albanian Tongue (Shqip) Since the Beginning, 2019. His media contributions rest on history, holocaust, heritage, politics, elections, book reviews, science, psychology, and linguistics.

Dedication

To my parents, Ahmet and Feride, who gave birth

to me and my brother, Daniel.

Thank you!

Copyright Information ©

Saimir A. Lolja 2024

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other non-commercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests, write to the publisher.

Any person who commits any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

The story, the experiences, and the words are the author’s alone.

Ordering Information

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Publisher’s Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lolja, Saimir A.

The Nation-Free Recipe

ISBN 9781649797346 (Paperback)

ISBN 9781649797353 (ePub e-book)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2024901258

www.austinmacauley.com/us

First Published 2024

Austin Macauley Publishers LLC

40 Wall Street, 33rd Floor, Suite 3302

New York, NY 10005

USA

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Acknowledgment

The consultation and feedback from—Uran Butka, Kastriot Dervishi, Frederik Radovani, Robert Elsie, Rudolf Nosi, Niko Kirka, Gjergj Thanasi, Sali Bollati, Rasim Bebo, Auron Tare, Artur Meçollari, Ylli Polovina, Gëzim Boçari, Roland Qafoku, Mërgim Korça, Hysni Demeti, Anila Kripa Kopali, Gerta Sazani, Thanas Gjika, Kristaq Markollari, Ilir Lena, Ilir Ademi, Gëzim Çomo, Arben Peni, Xhovani Gallani, Muharrem Gajtani, and Alfred Cako—were much valuable for rewriting this book. Thank you.

The Universalism and the Nationalism

The conflict between these two notions continues for centuries. It started in twelfth century with the Great Charter of the Liberties (Magna Carta Libertatum). It began when the English people decided to detach from the influence of the universal church. The confrontation goes severely on in various forms. The struggle waged for universalists and continues with a mastermind motivation; nevertheless, it is always a cold and speculative rationale. Whereas the instinct has suppressed the nationalist, as nature itself would have said. Life wants to have individuals, variety in people, animals, and plants. To meet this determination, it has created not only races and diversities of animals and plants but also given them the most sophisticated weapons and assets to protect themselves.

The universalists do not accept boundaries from outside, though they put narrow borders from inside. They speak about humankind, general ideas, worldly entities, and brotherhoods. The form of universalism is imperialism, both religious and secular. In other words, the empire uses the expression of ‘wide border from outside and narrow from inside’ for essential principles. Following are some examples for a better understanding. Every organized religion with universal intention pronounces: Give me your rationale and judgment, and I will discover the absolute truth. Either Roman or English secular imperialism has pronounced or pronounces: ‘Give me your hunger individually or nationally. Then, I will set a state that will include all humanity and earth, where order and peace will rule.’

Communism, another form of universalism, articulates: Detach from your brother by blood, and I will make you brother with all people of this world. It smells like the trick of the villain who had said to Christ: ‘Kneel on your knees, ask for my mercy, and I will give you all the worldly wealth.’ In short, every imperialism has under the skin of a universal idea requested and requests: Disengage from your personality and personal freedom. Universalism has always had tremendous and attractive power in evil people. However, a strong man does not accept it. He finds in his chest, family, and people a world without borders, whom he does not exchange with all the universe and all its countless stars. The nationalist sets boundaries from outside to himself to preserve his personality. He requires wide borders from inside to be free in the natural development of his values and trends, namely, his character. While the universalist says that become like me, the nationalist asks otherwise that become like you are and stay loyal to yourself.

The nationalist asserts that both the man and nation cannot be alone and isolated because they are part of a civilization where everyone is helpful and supported. But the whole of humanity wants and can progress only when the individual or nation knows how to preserve his character. The nationalist gives importance to his personality and personal freedom. He calls it a sacred duty to protect and advance his values. He cherishes himself and demands others to do that. He pleads to have his fate in his hand. He does not bear to lose in the crowd of peoples. He does not tolerate being a part only like a number in a secret society. He does not want to hide behind a pseudonym but comes out in front of the world with a fully responsible personality like that man of Tepelena, who finished every letter by writing ‘I, Ali, write.’

To summarize it tangibly, we Albanians want our idea, our virtue, our goodness, or ourselves. We do not wish the design of this, that, or all the world. As said, we do not want to be a member of an anonymous culture. Neither do we want to be decorative within the framework of an empire. But in an instant of faint fortune and great disgust, the enemy suddenly attacked and deceived us. It spread terrible seeds among us and organized the ugly anarchy. We, the people that have given great politicians and soldiers, live today the infamy of foreigners pulling us by the nose. But our national pride prevents us from being organized under a different prism. Our national awareness and self-defense prevent us in these difficult times to slay each other. Above all, our national honor prevents us from lying, intrigue, and slander! We are brothers. We must be friends!

— Mihal Zallari, the newspaper The Nation (Kombi), 22 December 1943, Tirana, Albania

As you know, there are three parties in Albania: the agents of Germany, Russia, and England. That is quite natural, but none of us can understand why Russia’s agents get paid in English gold.

— Islam Elezi, the son of Cen Elez Ndreu from Dibra, spoke to the British SOE officers Julian Amery and Neil Billy McLean in the village of Suhadoll of Dibra, Albania, on 22 May 1944.¹

Preface

This second edition absorbed feedback from readers of the first edition and is a result of further research. The idea for this book sparked more than seven years ago after the other publications in the Albanian press about the day of liberation of shrunk Albania proved to be not enough. Albanian public continues to languish in perceiving what was cooked before, baked in the stove of WWII, and served afterward. The cookers and bakers were not Albanians; the dough and firewood sticks were of Albanians. The book concentrates on the history of Albania in twentieth century at the size of a pocketbook. The fabric of more than 100 years used the needles set of what-when-where-who-how-why for embroidery.

The history, namely the past, is analyzed to distinguish the good and the bad and extract the good. The social events are not random, and there are no effects without causes. The intelligence services of a state protect their state as far as they could and even expand it. The public crowds resemble the water in a pond that becomes a stream after someone deliberately makes a precise hole in its dam. The book goes beyond mainstream thinking and uses a different process of thinking to build intelligence analyses. It used facts and results to thread intelligence analyses about what, when, where, who, why, and how they were drifted.

It opens a new perception for the history of Slavic Communism that plagued Albania: why and how that way. It helps understand why the effort to keep Albanian steering West had been thwarted and betrayed. The Albanian events and actors were unsurprisingly the products of international intelligence games. The book underlines the Triple Entente of Britain, Russia, and France, particularly the Dual Anglo-Soviet Entente. The latter determined the European events in the twentieth century while a New World Order was gaining space.

The analyses unlocked many paths; other doors could open. Therefore, after the reader’s fingers touch the last page of the book, he or she may allow his or her imagination to fly back over the pages of the book to discover what is missed and what it can uncover further.

Regarding the writing style, the non-English words and abbreviations appear in the text in italic. Whenever a reader comes across a country name, it refers to its foreign policy and not its people.

Introduction

The book brings forward a combined view of Albania from inside and outside and as part of the European theater of imperial intelligence plays. It starts with fundamental definitions of keywords and what stands behind their non-translation into the Albanian tongue (Shqip). It continues with Soviet intelligence services through a front organization called Comintern to seed the religion of Slavic Communism among Albanians. The book highlights the early intelligence work by Yugoslav secret services to Albanians. Those Slavic underground deeds were in harmony with the United Kingdom’s imperial policies, which materialized in the strategic Dual-Cordial-Triple Entente. The trail of the prearranged ruler for Albania after WWII appears tinted. Albania’s civil war was a prelude to what the imperial architects decided to be in afterwar Albania.

The installment of a Slavic Communist regime in Albania by extensive aid from Britain was in harmony with what the Anglo-Soviet Entente had decided for Southeast European countries after WWII. The Albanian state before, during, and after WWII is examined. Yugoslavia and its patron’s immense booty carried out on the Albanian wealth and gold unfolds in detail. For the first time, the book explains the secret operations of clandestine commandos entering Albania about 70 years ago and why Albania got sealed like a no-fly island and how. It tells the notorious Ring of Five British spies that allegedly worked for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics for the first time. The book reaches the end by wonderfully embroidering together the focal Albanian events and actors in the past 30 years and setting forth a query.

Many readers of the first edition questioned the title. The title of the book comes as an echo of the article The Universalism and the Nationalism published by the Albanian intellect and Chairman of the National Assembly 9 November 1943–5 October 1944, Mihal Zallari, in the newspaper The Nation (Kombi) in Tirana on 22 December 1943.

Abbreviations and Expositions

Glossary

Nationalist—A naturalist, a natural and visible person; an individual who has roots and heritage; a person who has not become a leaf that fades and the wind takes it to nowhere; a person with nationhood and natural national diversity; a person who is not shy to him/herself; and a person who loves and defends his/her nation, tongue, culture, and history; and a person who consciously knows his/herself, heritage, and the mission of continuance (Kombtar, in Albanian).

Communist—A person without a nation and against nationhood, without diversity, an equal (barabar, in Albanian) or barbarian, a no-one, a Slavic Mujahid, or Jihadist (Jo-Kombtar, in Albanian). As an idea, Communism was a seed created in the West and planted in the East. As a plant species, it belongs to the family of monopolized universalism. As a sowing process, it gets in both like the weed seeds spread by the wind and through sinful war, not holy as mistaken. Communism was contained (closed universalism) in the East until 25 December 1991. Since then, when gates opened, it has flooded the whole world, appearing as a diluted solution (open universalism).

Comintern—The Communist International, the Third International (2 March 1919–15 May 1943), the Central Staff of World Revolution located in Moscow.

National Communism—An inexistent or impossible combination of words because communism is a nation-free association and exists only at the nation’s cancellation or expense.

National-Liberation Movement—Nation-free movement. It was a strategic enterprise to convert various populations into herds of no-ones and nation-free slaves, folding them in a grand union of Soviet socialist states and administered by a global government located in Moscow. Only no-ones are common, and only zeros are all equal. (It is like a gluten-free recipe. A little chemistry knowledge of gluten helps understand what the nation is.)

National-Liberation Front—Nation-free front, a non-national front, also known as the antifascist national-liberation front (fronti antifashist nacional-çlirimtar, in Albanian).

National-Liberation Army—Non-national army, the Slavic Communist Jihad Army, akin to the Slavic Communist Jihad International Brigades in the Spanish International Civil War of 1936–1939.

Liberation—Lirim or Liridhënie, in Albanian. It was intentionally implanted in Albanian political vocabulary as a translation with the opposite word "Çlirim in 1927. In the Albanian idiom, the name Çlirim is the opposite of the word Lirim. During WWII, the Albanian governments that followed the linguistic rules had a ministry named Ministria e Tokave të Lirueme" (The Ministry of Liberated Lands). It cared for Albanian lands where the invading Yugoslav forces had fled. From a recipe that had the signature of Entente league, the calculated mistranslation first brought since then a flash of mental confusion and then unconscious acceptance of the inaccuracy as correctness.²

Seeding First for Tasting Later

On orders from the Bolshevik resident in Rome, Avni Rustemi and Haki Stërmilli founded a Bolshevik paramilitary organization named The Union (Bashkimi) in Tirana on 13 October 1922. Avni Rustemi was renowned as the assassin of Essad Pasha Toptani in Paris on 13 June 1920. The organization The Union, which had the purpose of fishing the youth, was the first organized Bolshevik cell in Albania.

Its members would distinguish themselves in the history of Slavic Communist Jihad¹ in the coming years in Albania. Many of them would receive later training in the USSR. After the assassination of Avni Rustemi on 20 April 1924, the paramilitary bands of The Union moved visibly and augmented training in Vlona. Their members had military uniforms and were armed. Bolsheviks like Halim Xhelo Tërbaçi, Hysen Selita, and Sali Hoxha did the job for their formation. Those bands would constitute the attacking force for the Bolshevik coup d’état against the Albanian state in May–June 1924.³, ⁴ Bolshevik and Italian imperial clouds overlaid to organize that military force and pick any fruits that the Albanian state’s shaking would get.

However, the brooks of the events did get through the desired paths. Therefore, about 1,200 persons left Albania when the Bolshevik government headed by the Red Bishop Theofan Stilian Noli fell on 24 December 1924. They were opponents to Ahmet Zog and participants in the coup d’état of May–June 1924 and afterward government. Theofan Stilian Noli, with his staff of 70 persons, left the port of Vlona on 27 December 1924 on the board of the Italian Navy ship Molfetta, which landed them in Brindisi.

The Soviet espionage organization, apparently known as the Balkan Communist Federation, offered them warmth. Those who had already toasted themselves with that warmth formed under the Balkan Communist Federation’s advice an organization called The Revolutionary National Committee (Komiteti Nacional Revolucionar) in Vienna on 25 March 1925. They absorbed others who got pushed from the hatred against Ahmet Zog or the thirst for power. The leader was the Red Bishop Theofan Stilian Noli and cofounders Qazim Kokoshi, Aziz Çami, Riza Cerova, Mustafa Kruja, Qazim Koculli, and many others.³–⁶

Among the escapers with ship Molfetta were the uniformed and armed Bolshevik bandits of the organization The Union. After they received entrance visas from the Soviet embassy in Berlin, they reached Moscow on 8 October 1925. Next, dressed in Soviet military uniforms, they would begin training and schooling for the Slavic Communist Jihad in the camp of Krasnoje Sjelo (Red Village) near Leningrad.

Llazar Fundo, Halim Xhelo Tërbaçi, Tajar Zavalani, Demir Godelli, Selim Shpuza, Haki Stërmilli, Fetah Ekmeçiu, Qamil Çela, Naun Prifti, Rexhep Çami, Reshat Këlliçi, Reshit Daci, Sali Hoxha, and Shuaip Lekdushi (Hajno) belonged to the organization The Union. Other Albanians in that first training group were Xhevdet Meqemeja, Asllan Peja, Ymer Domi, Ali Kelmendi, and Sejfulla Malëshova. They would carve their names on the history of Slavic Communist Jihad in Albania in the years of 1930, 1940, and beyond. More Albanian newcomers would reach the training camp Krasnoje Sjelo in 1928 and after.³, ⁷

The Comintern, utilizing the Balkan Communist Federation and its prime Albanian agent Konstandin Boshnjaku, covered the Revolutionary National Committee’s expenses. In April 1927, the organization tag changed to "Komiteti i Çlirimit² Kombëtar" (The National Liberation Committee) under Comintern’s orders³. Theofan Stilian Noli, Koço Athanas Tashko, Halim Xhelo Tërbaçi, and Llazar Fundo unswervingly served Comintern to cook the policy of the Revolutionary National Committee or National Liberation Committee.

Openly, the Soviet espionage agents in the Revolutionary National Committee or National Liberation Committee, who did not accomplish their task with the coup d’état in May–June