Imperial Measurement: A Cost–Benefit Analysis of Western Colonialism: A Cost–Benefit Analysis of Western Colonialism
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About this ebook
Kristian Niemietz
Dr Kristian Niemietz is the IEA’s Editorial Director and Head of Political Economy. He studied economics at the Humboldt University Berlin and the University of Salamanca, graduating in 2007 as Diplom-Volkswirt (equivalent to an MSc in economics). In 2013, he completed a PhD in political economy at King’s College London. He is the author of A New Understanding of Poverty (2011), Redefining the Poverty Debate (2012), Universal Healthcare Without the NHS (2016) and Socialism: The Failed Idea That Never Dies (2019).
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Imperial Measurement - Kristian Niemietz
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Cover image: The Battle of Zhapu during the first Opium Warbetween Britain and China, 1839–42. Shutterstock.
It is customary […] to hear our standing army and navy defended as necessary for the protection of our colonies, as though some other nation might otherwise seize them. Where is the enemy (?) that would be so good as to steal such property?
— Richard Cobden, classical liberal politician and campaigner, 1835
The supposed benefits of colonies for the trade and industry of the mother country are, for the most part, illusory. For the costs involved in founding, supporting and especially maintaining colonies […] very often exceed the benefits that the mother country derives from them, quite apart from the fact that it is difficult to justify imposing a considerable tax burden on the whole nation for the benefit of individual branches of trade and industry.
— Otto von Bismarck, national conservative Minister President of Prussia and future Reich Chancellor of the German Empire, 1868
[E]mpires do not come cheap. Burdensome expenditures are needed for military repression and prolonged occupation, for colonial administration, for bribes and arms to native collaborators […]
But empires are not losing propositions for everyone. The governments of imperial nations may spend more than they take in, but the people who reap the benefits are not the same ones who foot the bill.
— Michael Parenti, Marxist-Leninistpolitical scientist and activist, 1995
[T]he doctrine that imperialism made the West rich at the expense of the East and South is held passionately by the left in the West […] But understand: the counterargument does not praise imperialism, or excuse it. The counterargument claims that it was economically stupid.
— Deirdre McCloskey, libertarian economist, 2009
About the author
Dr Kristian Niemietz is the IEA’s Editorial Director and Head of Political Economy. He studied economics at the Humboldt University Berlin and the University of Salamanca, graduating in 2007 as Diplom-Volkswirt (equivalent to an MSc in economics). In 2013, he completed a PhD in political economy at King’s College London.
He is the author of A New Understanding of Poverty (2011), Redefining the Poverty Debate (2012), Universal Healthcare Without the NHS (2016) and Socialism: The Failed Idea That Never Dies (2019).
Summary
In recent years, we have seen a renewed interest in Britain’s imperialist past: the British Empire, the slave trade and the Caribbean slave labour plantations. More precisely, we have seen a revival of the idea that the wealth of the Western world – and Britain’s in particular – was originally built on slavery and colonial exploitation.
There is a lot to be said for a ‘warts-and-all’ approach to history, which does not gloss over or relativise the darker chapters of a country’s past. But the problem with the above narrative is that it is bad economics. While imperialism was undoubtedly extremely lucrative for some people, it is not at all clear whether Britain as a whole benefited economically from it. If such overall gains existed at all, they must have been very modest, and it is quite possible that the empire was a net lossmaker for Britain.
Before modern container shipping, transport logistics, telecommunication technologies, etc., made high volumes of trade possible, trade and overseas investment accounted for much smaller proportions of the British economy than they do today. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the great bulk of Britain’s economic activity was domestic.
Even then, Britain’s most important trading partners in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were not its colonies but other industrialising powers, such as Britain’s Western European neighbours.
Colonial