MARCH ON BAHAMALAND: NATION FORMATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE MODERN BAHAMAS 1920-2020

By Dr. Christopher Curry and Keith Tinker

The History of modern politics in The Bahamas involves a myriad of actors and activists and has created a foundation on which the Commonwealth of The Bahamas exist today. Leaders such as Sir Roland Symonette , Rt. Hon. Sir Lynden Pindling, Hon. Hubert Alexander Ingram, Hon. Perry Gladstone Christie, and Most Hon. Dr. Hubert Alexander Minnis and many other supporters all contributed to the evolution of The Bahamas as we know today.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Dec 29, 2023
• ISBN: 9798369413364

Dr. Christopher Curry

to be followed

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Copyright © 2023 by Christopher Curry & Keith Tinker.

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Rev. date: 12/29/2023

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Chapter 1:     Seeds Of Dissent, 1920-1962

Chapter 2:     The Progressive Agenda And Pindling, 1962-1965

Chapter 3:     Dismantling The Old Guard, Establishing A New Dispensation, 1965-1968

Chapter 4:     Religion, Hollywood, And The International Dimensions Of State-Formation

Chapter 5:     The Emergence Of The Dissident Eight, 1968-1971

Chapter 6:     Politics And National Identity In The Commonwealth Of The Bahamas, 1972-1977

Chapter 7:     From Euphoria To Disintergation, 1977 – 1982

Chapter 8:     The Turbulent Decade, 1982- 1992

Chapter 9:     Postscript, 1992-2020

Bibliography

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The completion of a book project of this magnitude required the assistance and encouragement of many people. First, the authors wish to acknowledge the helpful suggestions and substantive critique offered by Philip P. Smith who reviewed an earlier draft of portions of the manuscript.

We are also grateful for the encouragement received from the University of The Bahamas, and particularly grants from the Wilson Family Foundation which provided the necessary financial stimulation to move this project to completion. Support from colleagues in the School of Social Sciences was immeasurable, often providing additional ideas to be considered and the encouragement to finish a worthy task. We are also grateful for the transcribing of interviews completed by the Hist 410 Spring 2020 class and the additional research completed by Landy Laroda. Without their work much of the rich and textured interviews that comprised the content of many of the chapters would not have been possible. We also owe a great deal of gratitude to Tameka Lundy, Assistant Vice President, University Relations, who ably assisted in copyediting an earlier draft of this book.

We are also thankful for the support provided from the community of scholars and intellectuals outside the University most notably Grace Turner, Kim Outten Stubbs and Patricia Glinton-Micheolas. We also extend a personal commendation to Sir Franklyn Wilson who not only spurred us with enthusiastic insight but on many occasions shared sources that proved valuable to the production of this work. Many other public intellectuals across the length and breadth of The Bahamas also provided valuable input, although lack of time and space prevents us from listing them all. We wish to thank Patrice Williams and her staff at the Bahamas National Archives. Gratitude is also to be given to the many persons who allowed us into their homes or office spaces for interviews. Indeed, the book is enriched because of the deep well of material gleamed from the over thirty interviews conducted for this project.

I would also like to thank Rica Caro and the other professionals at Xlibris Press. Without their support, this project would have remained in manuscript form.

Finally, the authors wish to thank their immediate families for the continued support in seeing this project to completion. Dr Tinker relied heavily on his wife Ruth Forbes-Tinker, who assisted him in computing and technical support. Dr Curry expresses his sincere gratitude to his mom, dad, and sister, and especially his wife, Raquel, and daughter, Chrisselle, for their patience and support in seeing this project completed.

INTRODUCTION

MARCH ON BAHAMALAND: NATION

FORMATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF

THE MODERN BAHAMAS, 1920-2020

An African proverb, which is often recounted by former colonial political and social activists provide the authors with the idea to choose the relevant subject-matter discussed in this book. Additionally, the proverb provides focus for an appropriate title, which is aptly conveyed. The proverb states: until lions tell their [version]of the story, the hunter will always be the hero! The few words contained in this proverb are so poignant and succinct in nature, reflecting the sentiment of many nationalists, who often lamented that historical accounts were chiefly presented from the perspective of the colonizers. This hunter perspective glorifies (albeit uninvited) a colonial tradition that assumes that the dominant narrative ought to be uncritically accepted as a normative vision for social progress; a view which gives credit to their particular civilized values. That glorified position gave the colonies a presumptive civilized and western-accepted language, monotheistic religion, proper and acceptable attire, and a standardized mode of government, all presumed improvements to the lives of already long established and contented people. Given the above, the authors recognized that traditional stories of the political history of The Bahamas have been influenced, first by European overlords who governed the affairs of the islands from the early 1600s until the late 1960s. Second, following the achievement of Majority Rule on January 10, 1967, a new political regime was inaugurated led by Premier Pindling and the Progressive Liberal Party which propagated a pro-Bahamian and anti-colonial historical narrative in counterpoint to the recently ended period of white oligarchic rule. As such, a new cadre of revisionists emerged after that event with the assumed presumption to correct significant omittances of the latter and present their peculiar perspectives on the subject under discussion. Sadly, some of the revisionist viewpoints were, essentially prejudiced by unfortunate negative experiences and reckless political propaganda.¹ The authors were determined to produce an authentic study on the progression of modern Bahamian history incorporating accurate, inclusive, and informative perspectives on the subject from as many elements in Bahamian society. Excerpts of interviews were inclusive as possible from the perspective of former politicians, retired political activists and children of former political actors/actresses from the founding generation (1950s-1960s).

This study explores the decisive and seminal decades in the twentieth century in which The Bahamas was transformed from a marginal, British colony to a modern nation-state. Central to telling the story of the political history of The Bahamas is situating the ideas of nationalism and the formation of the nation-state within both the broader international currents of anti-colonialism emanating out of Africa and the circum-Caribbean region, while not losing sight of the local peculiarities that influenced the unique expression of patriotism that led to independence in 1973. Put another way, political ideas that shaped political parties and the modern Bahamas were not birthed in isolation, but rather were a confluence of local realties—geographic, economic, and racial—and external factors including the U.S. Civil Rights Movement and anti-imperialist struggles across the Atlantic World after World War II. Equally important, and contrary to popular narratives, the emergence of a discernable, progressive ideology by the 1950s and early 1960s was not birthed in a vacuum, nor was it simply a spontaneous outburst of anti-colonial aggression. Rather, a political awakening was forged out of the fulcrum of early twentieth century proto-political activism, expressed concretely in the founding manifesto of the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) in 1953 and ultimately amplified and enshrined in the praxis of unfolding events that led to nation-formation between 1965 and 1973.

Though the book has as its central focus a political history covering seminal moments of the twentieth century, the text, nevertheless, attends to social and cultural changes shaping historical writing in the late 1960s and 70s whereby scholars paid a concerted effort to tell the story of people from the bottom-up rather than from the top down. Such an approach highlights historic shifts in ideology such as the growth of Garveyism and leftist ideologies and how such concepts germinated in urban spaces in Over-the-Hill Nassau. Outside of Garveyism, the political sphere was undeniably shaped by the rise of the labour movement and the key role it played in the molding of a progressive platform that led to an awakening of the masses beyond Bay Street. This was evident in the rally following the first Labour Day Parade in 1956 where Randol Fawkes and other labour leaders spoke to a massive crowd gathered at Southern Recreation Grounds, many of whom were emboldened by anti-colonial sentiment and the deep desire for political reform.

Beyond ideologies and social movements, the authors have given concerted attention to the role of Family Islanders who played a pivotal role in the evolution of a political struggle that intensified during the 1950s through the 1970s. Stories were shared sometime with the apprehension that the specter of a former oligarchy political candidate may still lingerer. Other stories told by octogenarians were sometimes in hush tunes for fear of the former political candidates. Other stories were shrouded in not too subtle derision for the community leaders who were willing to sell their parishioners, neighbors, and relatives down the proverbial river for a pottage of porridge.² These interviews speak to a time of blatant corruption where in the absence of a secret ballot or general electoral reform, gerrymandering and corruption were the order of the day. It was a time when the seemingly benevolent white political candidates would appear with community leaders in tow, bringing packages of flour, grits and cans of lard, with the unabashed intent expressed for their political support, with promises of jobs in the government offices for deserving young residents. The condition for political patronage almost ended with a subtle warning, I am counting on you to do the right thing"! During that period, politicians representing the interests of the ruling white oligarchy descended upon the small Family Island communities in full force and promptly disappeared after the results of the polls were publicly announced.

Apart from a Family Island perspective, emphasis was given to the pivotal role of Hollywood entrainers in support of the Bahamian civil rights struggle. Celebrities such as Harry Belafonte, Sammy Davis Jr., and Nina Simone came to personally attend fund raising performances staged to raise funds to assist with the financing of the surging PLP political campaigns. Similarly, emphasis was given to the significant role of the local black church in sometimes covert and on other occasions, openly overt support for the black progressive movement. Visiting international religious affiliates included Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Reverend Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. and the largely popular gospel singer, Mahalia Jackson. Bethel Baptist Church became a familiar and welcomed pulpit for these visiting black celebrities to excite the congregation and encourage support for the success of the majority rule movement. Together, all contributed to the support of majority rule, and in specific support of the Progressive Liberal Party’s agenda on civil rights.

Additionally, the authors made every attempt to be as diligent as possible in presenting the role of Bahamian youth in the political power struggle. The book, in essence, went to significant lengths to underscore the role of some youthful progressive political organizations active in the struggle, and emphasized the astute outlook of the PLP to recognize the political promise of the youth organizations. Some youth leaders of promise were invited to join their ranks, with underlining objective to groom these potential leaders. After attaining leadership of the government, the PLP went on to organize the Young Liberals and the Junior Achievement organizations. Additionally, the establishment of the Royal Bahama Defense Force Organization which required military-styled uniforms and training in tactical warfare provided an important outlet for youth engagement for the PLP. The recruitment of young Bahamians into their political ranks proved to be a stroke of political genius. The policy allowed for the expansion of the number of members within the various branches of the party. It was anticipated that some of the more talent youth would become leaders and eventually grow within the PLP ranks and become magnets to draw other young voters into the party.³ Not all Bahamians were ecstatic over the new policy in recruiting the youth into para-military-like organizations. Many in opposition reminisced on similar styled organizations in African and other developing countries, where the youth organizations morphed into private armies loyal exclusively to the leaders of the respective countries accused. Some critics quickly pointed to the activities of the dreaded Haitian Tonton Macoute, and the many atrocities inflicted against the Haitian people, allegedly on orders of the Haitian leaders.

Apart from a concerted effort to address intergenerational perspectives and the role of youth organizations, the text also attempts to offer insight into the hidden transcript of informal meetings and conclaves that may not have been officially documented to date. Attention is given to the Christmas Coup in December of 1963 as well as the famous conclave held in Small Hope Bay Andros in the summer of 1969 and finally, the famous Night of Long Knives meeting in 1977. Such events were filled with tension and high drama and are undoubtedly an important part of the rich tapestry of our political history.

Taken together, this study will examine the political history of The Bahamas from the nascent proto-political organizations of the 1920s to the maturing two-party system cemented in the post- independence period. Particular attention will be given to party politics, the ideas and ideologies as well as the leading figures that shaped the political discourse in The Bahamas. Additionally, economic policies and budgetary issues will be addressed within the context of political parties attempting to formulate plans for national development and state formation. The broad framework of the study encompasses a century of political transformation from informal associations to formalized parties with platforms and manifestos. Although attention is given to budding political associations in the earliest stages of development in the 1920s and 30s, the authors are intentionally focused on the period between 1965 and 1973 when progressive political ideas spurred by the National Committee for Positive Action (NCPA) created a combustible climate that shaped the political landscape of The Bahamas well into the post-independence period. For this reason, greater attention is given to an era in which not only was the merchant oligarchy under attack, but a new political vision was fashioned by moderate progressives that would provide the blueprint for nation formation. It is also in this period that virulent political discord surfaced within the PLP, creating the pre-conditions for rivals to the progressive agenda touted by Lynden Pindling. This faction materialized, not as an ideological alternative to the PLP, but rather as an agenda born out of issues of leadership style. Notably, this opposition group known as the Dissident Eight (later Free PLP), would eventually join with the remnants of the decaying United Bahamian Party (UBP) to form the FNM by 1971, and thus solidify a political tradition of dissenting political culture and two-party system that remains an indelible part of Bahamian politics. A paradigm shift in Bahamian politics evolved which continues to influence all facets of life in The Bahamas today. For this reason, such a project has incredible value as it is intrinsically connected to both national identity and state formation.

Although the focus of this study is rooted in the 20th century, the antecedents of political agitation and reform can be traced to the early 19th century where free blacks such as Prince Williams, Stephen Dillet, and George Laroda fought for civil liberties including the right to vote, bear witness in a trial and sit on a grand jury. Such rights were hard fought in a society that was indelibly and undeniably marked by racial slavery and a ruling class of white merchants that dominated the social, political, and economic spheres of Bahamian society. The abolition of slavery in 1834 and full emancipation in 1838 did not confer political rights to the formerly enslaved, forcing a reckoning of the underclass with a life of indebtedness and disenfranchisement. Nevertheless, the black masses did not remain quiescent as they found new and creative ways to challenge the system. The church, Lodges and Friendly Societies became the incubators of proto-political activism, spurning a new generation of reformers and political leaders who remonstrated against the colonial political system. This book builds on existing works which demystify the complexities of the struggle for freedom and civil rights by Bahamian blacks. On the shoulders of these forerunners, activists helped to shape the evolution of modern Bahamian politics and society. Among the most notable researchers on this subject are Whittington B. Johnson (Race Relations in the Bahamas, 1784 – 1834, The University of Arkansas Press. 2000); Keith L. Tinker (The African Diaspora to the Bahamas, (Freisen Press, 2012); Sean McWeeney, Breaching the Gates (2018); and, Christopher Curry (Freedom And Resistance: A Social History of Black Loyalists in The Bahamas: University Press of Florida, 2017).

Chapter 1 - Seeds of Dissent, 1920 -1962 traces the struggle by the colony to agitate for gradual political autonomy from British colonial authority. This early activism was focused on the interests of the ruling white, Bahamian oligarchy with limited consideration for the political, social and economic disenfranchisement of the black masses. In the 1950s, leading black activists staged a series of public protests against disenfranchisement under the leadership of trade union banners. This persistent activism led to an organised political initiative called the Progressive Political Party (PLP). The political vision of Henry Taylor, William Cartwright and Cyril Stevenson, black men of light complexion, eventually gained the trust of the trio leadership of the newly formed PLP that was charging towards civil rights reform. The chapter concludes with references to the Bahamian women’s suffrage activism in 1962.

Chapter 2 – The Progressive Agenda and Pindling, 1962-1965. From 1962 to 1965, the PLP steadily developed its political agenda through the establishment of branch offices across the archipelago, partially financed by numerous cook-outs that PLP women unselfishly hosted to create a steady stream of revenue for the cause. The organisation carefully vetted potential candidates presumed to be viable participants in the general elections. Lynden Pindling, a black London-based barrister, emerged as the leader of the PLP. Prophetically called Black Moses, Pindling was viewed by the black masses as the chosen one to lead them towards majority rule. In response, the core of the ruling white oligarchy organised itself into a political organisation called the United Bahamian Party (UBP).

Chapter 3 – Dismantling the Old Guard: Establishing a new Dispensation, 1965 – 1968. This chapter traces the political ascendancy of the PLP into a formidable political foe seeking to dethrone the ruling white merchants and bankers, who controlled the colony. The PLP and the UBP received an equal number of seats in the Bahamian Parliament. Two independent candidates, a white man, Alvin Brennen (North Eleuthera), and a black man, Randol Fawkes (Labour), also won individual seats, leading to a political impasse. Through intense negotiations, however, the PLP persuaded both victorious independents to join its ranks, giving the party a majority of seats and control of the Parliament. In 1968, a snap general election resulted in a resounding defeat of the UBP, giving the PLP majority political control and securing Pindling as the first black Premier of The Bahamas.

Chapter 4 - Religion, Hollywood, and the International Dimension of State Formation, 1960s – 1970s. This chapter traces the significance of groups of black US-based religious icons and entertainers who used their celebrated status to stage concerts, speeches and sermons at public events in support of the PLP struggle. The initiatives were either personally led or influenced by Academy Award actor andBahamian entertainer Sidney Poitier. His presence with PLP leaders motivated undecided, Black Bahamians, and engendered public support for the PLP through financial support and votes. Some international advocates included well-known actor and singer Harry Belafonte, comedian and actor Sammy Davis, Jr., and musicians Nina Simone and Quincy Jones.

Chapter 5 – The Emergence of the Dissident Eight, 1968 – 1971. This chapter covers the rise of a dissident faction against the Pindling-led-administration, leading to the resignation of eight PLP Parliamentarians from the PLP Government. The dissidents included Cecil Wallace-Whitfield, Arthur Foulkes, Maurice Moore, Jeffery Thompson, Warren Levarity, Curtis McMillian, Elwood Donaldson and James Jimmy Shepherd. The Dissident Eight eventually evolved into the Free-PLP political group that eventually became the Free National Movement (FNM). Members of the defunct UBP joined the FNM.

Chapter 6 – Politics and National Identity in The Commonwealth of The Bahamas, 1972-1977. This chapter discusses the movement by the PLP towards independence for The Bahamas. It traces the various negotiations among Bahamian political factions and British colonial authorities on the pros and cons of the Bahamian independence proposal. The PLP argued that its government was ready and capable of self-government. Opposition factions asserted, however, that the PLP government and the colony in general were not sufficiently mature to adequately achieve and sustain self-government. Meantime, the FNM developed into a formidable political party, capable of seriously launching a challenge to the PLP’s political domination. In 1973, the PLP was granted the right to lead the colony towards independence status, which occurred on July 10, 1973.

Chapter 7 – From Euphoria to Disintegration, 1977-1982. This chapter underscores seminal activities from the initial celebration of the PLP’s victory at the polls to the disintegration of the Pindling-led government, after a series of corruption allegations against the PLP. The demise of the PLP the growth and prominence of the FNM began a new period of political maturation in the development of the modern Bahamas.

Chapter 8 – The Turbulent Decade, 1982- 1992. This chapter traces the many challenges the FNM faced and overcame that negatively impacted the growth of the political organisation. During this period, the party sustained tragic setbacks as a result of the deaths of party leaders Cecil Wallace-Whitfield and Kendal Isaacs. However, leadership challenges were solved when Hubert Ingraham, a former Chairman of the PLP, emerged as the new leader.

Chapter 9 – Postscript, 1992-2020 – The final chapter showcases the emergence of Hubert Ingraham, and in particular, how he led the FNM to victory against the PLP in the 1992 General Elections. Ingraham governed for three consecutive terms as Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas until his defeat by his former political PLP ally and law firm partner, Perry Christie, in the 2002 General Elections. Christie, in turn, was eventually defeated at the 2007 polls by FNM leader Dr. Hubert Minnis. The approach by the Minnis Administration to the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in the enforcement of significantly unpopular national lock-downs and other restrictive health protocols. The political response created economic instability, chronic shortages in supplies, massive unemployment and the need for substantial food and rental assistance. Eventually, the Minnis-led FNM administration was defeated in the 2022 General Elections by the PLP led by Philip Brave Davis. This new political era is another matter to be discussed in a forthcoming sequel.

CHAPTER 1

Seeds Of Dissent, 1920-1962

On June 1, 1956, a swarming crowd of 20,000 persons had gathered at the Southern Recreation Grounds for the culmination of the inaugural Labour Day Parade. On that auspicious occasion, near the stage, were three distinct men from very different backgrounds. Delivering brief remarks was Kenneth Sterling, a Jamaican trade unionist representing the interests of the International Conference of Free Trade Unions, an organisation with 75 million allied workers. Sterling enthusiastically kindled the passion of many gathered on that day who had united under the flag of the newly formed Bahamas Federation of Labour.⁴ The second figure on that occasion was Randol Fawkes, positioned near