Latino Politics en Ciencia Política: The Search for Latino Identity and Racial Consciousness

By Tony Affigne, Evelyn Hu-DeHart and Marion Orr

A “collection of cutting-edge research” on the political diversity of Latino communities: “a must-read for students and researchers alike” (American Politics).

Latinos constitute the largest, fastest-growing, and most diverse minority group in the United States. A critical voting bloc in both Presidential and Congressional races, this demographic will only become more important in future American elections. Latino Politics en Ciencia Política explores the political diversity within this community, and how intra-community differences influence political behavior and policy preferences.

The editors and contributors, all noted scholars of race and politics,  draw on evidence from the largest-ever scientific survey addressed exclusively to Latino/Hispanic respondents. They examine key issues such as Latino/a identities (latinidad), transnationalism, acculturation, political community, and racial consciousness.

The book contextualizes today's research within the history of Latino political studies, from the field's beginnings to the present, explaining how systematic analysis of Latino political behavior has over time become integral to the study of political science. Latino Politics en Ciencia Política is thus an ideal text for learning both the state of the field today, and key dimensions of Latino political attitudes.

Instructor’s Guide included.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Open Road Integrated Media
• Release date: Apr 25, 2014
• ISBN: 9780814763872

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Latino Politics en Ciencia Política

Latino Politics en Ciencia Política

The Search for Latino Identity and Racial Consciousness

Edited by Tony Affigne, Evelyn Hu-DeHart, and Marion Orr

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS

New York and London

www.nyupress.org

© 2014 by New York University

All rights reserved

References to Internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing.

Neither the author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.

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Also available as an ebook

We dedicate this book to early pioneers of Latino political studies, whose vision and perseverance made our own work possible

With our thanks

Carlos H. Arce

Rodolfo O. de la Garza

Louis DeSipio

Angelo Falcón

F. Chris Garcia

John A. García

Ralph C. Guzmán

Carol Hardy-Fanta

Rodney E. Hero

James Jennings

Benjamin Márquez

Carlos Muñoz, Jr.

Harry P. Pachon

Christine Marie Sierra

Adaljiza Sosa-Riddell

Maurilio Vigil

Roberto E. Villarreal

Contents

List of Tables

List of Figures

List of Chapter Appendices

Foreword: Latino People, Politics, Communities, and Knowledge

John A. García

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Tony Affigne, Evelyn Hu-DeHart, and Marion Orr

PART I: LATINO POLITICAL STUDIES

1 The Latino Voice in Political Analysis, 1970–2014: From Exclusion to Empowerment

Tony Affigne

PART II: LATINIDAD: THE QUESTION OF LATINO IDENTITY

2 Identity Revisited: Latinos(as) and Panethnicity

Jessica Lavariega Monforti

3 Latino Immigrant Transnational Ties: Who Has Them, and Why Do They Matter?

Sarah Allen Gershon and Adrian D. Pantoja

4 Multiple Paths to Cynicism: Social Networks, Identity, and Linked Fate among Latinos

Jessica Lavariega Monforti and Melissa R. Michelson

PART III: ACCULTURATION, DIFFERENTIATION, AND POLITICAL COMMUNITY

5 ¿Quién Apoya Qué? The Influence of Acculturation and Political Knowledge on Latino Policy Attitudes

Regina Branton, Ana Franco, and Robert Wrinkle

6 The Boundaries of Americanness: Perceived Barriers among Latino Subgroups

Heather Silber Mohamed

PART IV: NEGRURA, LINKED FATE, AND INTERMINORITY RELATIONS

7 Black and Latino Coalition Formation in New England: Perceptions of Cross-Racial Commonality

Marion Orr, Domingo Morel, and Katrina Gamble

8 Racial Identities and Latino Public Opinion: Racial Self-Image and Policy Preferences among Latinos

Atiya Kai Stokes-Brown

9 A Southern Exception in Black-Latino Attitudes? Perceptions of Competition with African Americans and Other Latinos

Matt A. Barreto and Gabriel R. Sanchez

PART V: CONCLUSION

10 Latino Politics and Power in the Twenty-First Century: Insights from Political Analysis

Manny Avalos and Tony Affigne

Appendix A: Latino National Survey Questionnaire (LNS/LNS-NE, 2005–2008)

Appendix B: Latino National Survey Questionnaire (en Español)

About the Contributors

Index

Tables

1.1 Racial Undersampling in the American National Election Studies (1970–2008)

1.2 Sample Sizes—Latino National Survey / New England Extension (2005–2008)

2.1 Hispanic Population of the United States by National Origin Group (1980 and 2010)

2.2 Multivariate Logistic Regression: Common Cultural Characteristics as Building Blocks of Latinidad

2.3 Mandated Common Ethnicity

2.4 Policy Concerns of Panethnic Identifiers

2.5 Multivariate Logistic Regression: Elite Leadership and Public Policy Influences on Latinidad

2.6 Multivariate Logistic Regression of Diverse Contact and Latinidad

2.7 Multivariate Logistic Regression of All Variables from DeSipio’s Theory

3.1 Proportion of Respondents Participating in Transnational Activities

3.2 Ordered Logistic Regression Predicting Immigrant Political Incorporation

4.1 Predictors of Trust in Government among LNS Respondents (Ordered Logit Regression Model)

4.2 Trust in Government, LNS National-Origin Subgroups

4.3 Trust in Government among LNS National-Origin Subgroups (Ordered Logit Regression Models and Predicted Probabilities)

5.1 Latino Attitudes across Three Domains of Public Policies: Predicted Probabilities

6.1 The Importance of Ascriptive Characteristics for Being American, GSS (2004) and LNS (2006)

6.2 Ordered Logistic Regression: Ascriptive Characteristics of Being American (LNS 2006)

7.1 Measures of Linked Fate

7.2 Percentage of Latinos Who Perceive Political and Economic Competition with Blacks

7.3 Latino-Black Linked Fate and Political and Economic Commonality

7.4 Explaining Perceptions of Economic Commonality with Blacks

7.5 Explaining Perceptions of Political Commonality with Blacks

7.6 Group Consciousness Predicted Probabilities

7.7 Friendship Networks Predicted Probabilities

7.8 Social Integration Predicted Probabilities

7.9 Group Competition Predicted Probabilities

8.1 The Impact of Racial Identity on Latino Policy Attitudes

8.2 Some Other Race Latinos’ Policy Attitudes

8.3 The Impact of Racial Identity and Generational Status on Latino Policy Attitudes

9.1 The Relationship between Region and Perceptions of Competition with Blacks Relative to Coethnics among Latinos

9.2 Predictors of Competition with Blacks Relative to Coethnics among Latinos (Full Sample)

9.3 Predictors of Competition with Blacks Relative to Coethnics among Latinos in the South

9.4 Predictors of Competition with Blacks Relative to Coethnics among Latinos—Black County Population Models

Figures

3.1 Average Number of Transnational Ties by Immigrants’ Nation of Origin and Income Level

3.2 Average Number of Transnational Ties by Immigrants’ Years in the U.S., Education, and Sex

6.1 Percentage of Respondents who Self-Identify as American, by Country of Origin

Chapter Appendices

1A Recommended Books for the Study of Latino Politics (1970–2014)

1B Repositories and Datasets for Latino Political Studies (1979–2014)

2A Question Wording and Variable Coding for Panethnicity

3A Question Wording and Variable Coding for Transnationalism and Incorporation

4A Question Wording and Variable Coding for Political Trust

5A Item Wording and Variable Coding for Acculturation and Political Knowledge

5B Latino Attitudes across Three Domains of Public Policies

6A Question Wording and Variable Coding for Americanness

6B Predicted Probabilities of Significant Variables and Ascriptive Definitions of Americanness

7A Variable Construction and Frequency Distributions

8A Variable Construction for Independent Variables

9A Variable Coding for Analysis of Relative Competition

Foreword

Latino People, Politics, Communities, and Knowledge

JOHN A. GARCÍA

How do you hold a moonbeam in your hand? Although I am one who finds himself using musical metaphors far too often for others’ tastes, the elusiveness and complexities involved in the examination of, and the directing of systematic queries and analyses about, political behavior in the Latino communities make it a daunting challenge, one that I have been pursuing for over forty years. Given my strong personal ties, I am privileged to have the opportunity to add a foreword to this collection of research pieces, based on the Latino National Survey and its New England spin-off. In this foreword, I will try to construct my comments and observations within the context of my personal and professional experiences, concentrating on the critical elements and dynamics integral to advancing our understanding of the Latino communities in the U.S. While building knowledge is central to more academically oriented endeavors, the knowledge generated is equally pertinent for its application in enhancing the well-being of Latinos.

The Social Sciences and Latinos

This volume’s first chapter discusses the evolution of social science survey research, the inclusion of Latinos as respondents, and incorporating subject matter particular to Latino interests and concerns. While the contemporary social science community as well as broader media and advertising interests have directed more attention toward Latinos in recent years, Affigne’s account of Latinos and social science research clearly indicates a very recent pattern of inclusion. The major social science surveys over the past thirty years were projects initiated by Latino scholars in the political science or other social science disciplines. The reporting of their findings is well documented in this book’s first chapter, so I will not be commenting on that discussion.

An observation I would like to make is that the contemporary growth of surveys incorporating Latinos into the sampled respondents and/or as primary respondents continues to be influenced greatly by Latino social scientists. These recent surveys have some historical linkage with three major Latino political and social surveys (i.e., the National Chicano Survey, the Latino National Political Survey–LNPS, and the Latino National Survey–LNS), and it is clear that the absence of such collective efforts would have certainly delayed attention in this area. The rise of the Pew Hispanic Center (now known as the Hispanic Trends Project) had its origins with the partnership of the Kaiser Family Foundation, the Washington Post, and the Pew Foundation. At the same time, a small number of Latino social scientists met with Pew’s sponsoring journalists and funders to discuss sampling challenges and substantive concerns, which must be considered in the conduct of survey research within Latino communities.

While my experience suggests strongly that the increased number and improved methodological training of Latino social scientists has been instrumental in creating Latino-inclusive surveys and interpreting their findings, a perennial debate continues to be about the comparative nature of survey design (i.e., whether a survey including Latinos must have a comparative sample of non-Latinos, or whether it is justifiable to have a survey of only Latinos). The edict of compared to what resonates among some scientists: that the significance of Latinos in American public life has real meaning when they are compared to other social groupings. For example, if one is studying minority group politics, is it necessary to design a survey which includes majority group members and other minority groups in addition to Latinos? In the case of the LNPS, comparing Latinos with non-Latinos (in the same communities from which the Latinos were selected) made possible within-group comparisons among people of Mexican, Cuban, and Puerto Rican origin as well as comparisons with non-Latinos living in proximity. Implicitly, acknowledging common political contexts in which different groups operate, while making visible any group-specific effects of such environments, was part of the LNPS design.

In contrast, planning for the LNS occurred against the backdrop of recent dramatic increases in the size, diversity, and complexity of the Latino population, sparking interest in a greater understanding of critical internal variations and commonalities within the panethnic group (i.e., national origin subgroups, nativity, language use, generational distance from the immigrant experience, established and new destination communities, etc.) and, thus, necessitating a Latino-specific sample. Clearly, the central objectives and organizing theoretical frameworks which guide any systematic study will determine the appropriate population from which survey respondents are selected. Recent, more extensive inclusion of Latino respondents signals recognition that Latino political behavior is being recognized as an important aspect of American political research.

Another recent example is the American National Election Study (ANES). While the ANES has been one of the longer-standing political surveys, its utility to examine the electoral behavior and attitudes of Latinos (and other minority communities) has been almost nonexistent until the 2008 study. For that year’s study, a combination of growing interest by political science researchers, an open process for soliciting research foci and sample suggestions, and a team of principal co-investigators who study Latino and African American politics helped develop an expanded ANES (both in sufficient sample size of Latinos and African Americans and in question content applicable to these groups). In addition, the 2008 ANES instrument included a Spanish-language version for the first time. As I am one of the participants in this process, it is clear to me that our current ability to understand the Latino panethnic group, on the basis of social science survey endeavors, is attributable to the ever-present drive and persistent efforts, particularly by Latino scholars, to engage and promote systematic inclusion of Latino respondents and to expand the scope of content queries.

Are Latinos Distinctive, and If So, How?

An important underlying motivation to research Latino political behavior systematically, beyond the general imperatives of social science research, is to determine Latinos’ distinctiveness. That is, are Latinos unique as a collective body in the American social fabric? Frequent characterization of Latinos as the fastest growing, and now largest, minority group intimates social changes and uncertain impacts on the sociocultural and political map of America. For example, with a fast rate of growth, Latinos are seen as perpetuating their own cultural traditions and practices (i.e., Spanish language persistence, more traditional familial values, residential concentrations, ties to home countries, etc.), which separate them from the American mainstream. All too often, being characterized as different evokes suspicion and fear that such perceived differences are dangerous and threatening.

Ironically, how well Latinos fit into American society is indicative of the complexity and variety within this panethnic aggregation. The concepts of race and ethnicity are intertwined so that meanings ascribed to national origin, culture, language, phenotypical traits, and minority group status are applied in complex ways, to persons from Latin America and the Iberian Peninsula. In trying to answer the question about the distinctiveness of Latinos, concepts such as community, commonalities, group status and identification, and social networks need to be measured and assessed. Even basic inquiries as to how persons ancestrally from Latin American nations, as well as individuals whose home has been the U.S. for multiple generations, see themselves, and who they identify themselves with, are essential. Basically, who are Latinos? And if they exist as a social category or grouping, what defines those group connections? This becomes the first order of business in trying to assess Latinos’ distinctiveness in America.

This is not an easy task, since factors shaping the nature of any community presence, or limiting interactions within a community, must take into account such complexities as different historical presence and experiences in the U.S. (some groups were present even before this nation’s formation), some degree of geographical separation, and relations with countries of origin. To some extent, assessing the depth of Latino distinctiveness may begin with intra- and intergroup examination among the national-origin groups that fall under the panethnic umbrella of Latino. Externally, one cannot overlook the role and impact of societal views and other groups in the U.S. and their perceptions, knowledge, stereotypes, and characterizations of Latinos. With this external dimension, an understanding of a sense of mutual community among Latinos can be both a function of the internal dynamics and how the outside world treats and views them.

So let us revisit the initial question posed in this section about determining Latinos as a distinctive group. One factor that can contribute to Latinos’ distinctiveness is a sense of group affinity and affiliation. They share connections along a number of different dimensions such as language, cultural tradition and practices, social and economic status, and societal aggregation across national origin and generational lines. It seems that for many observers, however, the distinctiveness query is directed primarily toward understanding collective views and actions that impact the sociopolitical system and its institutions. Do Latinos think similarly about public policies, political parties and candidates, and other forms of political behaviors? If Latinos are distinctive, what are the factors that create this uniqueness, and to what degree are those factors necessary and sufficient? On the other hand, what if Latinos are not distinct from the broader American electorate? Does that then negate attention to, and discussion of, Latinos as a distinct political grouping? Obviously, my short discussion points to a need for greater clarity in the way we think about, and describe, politically salient differences between Latinos and others. In fact, a growing body of research findings suggest that Latinos are distinctive in a number of ways but are less so in certain areas of policy. In addition, the context and/or situation Latinos finds themselves in affects how they respond. What are the sociopolitical triggers that guide their actions and attitudes? We have learned that whether Latinos appear as a distinctive group or not depends on which dimensions of group identity and behavior are examined, as well as individuals’ degrees of engagement with public life, but in nearly all discussions, the extent of a Latino individual’s community affinity and affiliation remains a central element.

Los Latinos and the American Character

One final point worth some discussion in this foreword lies with a prevalent characterization of Latinos in contemporary America. A significant contributor, to date, of Latinos’ marked population growth has been international migration. I add the to date qualifier as it will be the native-born segment from which Latino growth will occur well into the future. Nevertheless, a popular characterization of Latinos is that of a primarily immigrant group. About two-fifths of all Latinos are foreign-born, and approximately one-third are naturalized citizens. In addition, of the estimated 8–10 million undocumented persons living in the U.S., about 70% are persons from Latin America. Clearly, this is a significant segment of the Latino community that is foreign-born, and the overall percentage of foreign-born persons in the U.S. from all over the world has reached record highs since the levels at the turn of the twentieth century.

As a result, concerns about the integration of newer populations, full assimilation into America’s sociopolitical fabric, and allegiance to the American polity and all it stands for are the subject of much attention directed toward Latinos. Earlier research from the LNPS in the Will the Real Americans Stand Up … clearly indicates a strong congruence with foundational American values and beliefs among Latinos in 1989–1990. Subsequent research findings in more contemporary studies indicate beliefs in opportunity, basic freedoms and rights, and civil liberties. Yet major suspicion and doubts have been posited by social scientists and organizational leaders about the adequacy of fit of Latinos as loyal and faithful proponents of American democracy.

These concerns have been directed squarely at Latinos with a broad sweep that tends not to differentiate generational status in the U.S., extent of assimilation, English-language use and proficiency, and citizenship status. Resultant public policies at the state and local level, under the rubric of public safety and law enforcement, have targeted undocumented persons, and Latinos specifically, concerning access to employment, housing, social services, public gatherings, legal rights and protections, and so on. Concomitantly, Latinos looking to the federal government for leadership and nonpunitive policies regarding immigration are finding very little responsiveness. Latinos have become the primary target of groups and political representatives in terms of policies and rhetoric. These more recent actions have added to the claims that Latinos are a distinctive group in the American polity.

In a post-9/11 America, issues of national identity and patriotism have produced a closing of the ranks with We and They categories. Ironically, at a time of twenty-first-century international dynamics, many nation-states are facing redefining notions of citizenship, nationality, and universal human rights. Developments like widespread international migration, dual citizenship, and transnationalism are producing new populations of global as well as national citizens. The significant growth of Latinos in the U.S. and increased globalization are providing major impetus to this reassessment of citizenship. Unfortunately, the major thrust of this reconsideration of citizenship and basic human rights and protections is directed toward more restrictive and punitive initiatives for a more limited notion of citizenship. Yet Latinos and others are providing the basis and dynamics to explore more productive and broader notions about citizenship in the twenty-first century. For example, at least nine Latin American nations allow expatriates to maintain their country-of-origin citizenship when they become U.S. citizens. In fact, the legislation that enables this situation results from expatriates’ efforts to create such legislation in their home countries. Already, Latinos with dual citizenship can become engaged as civic and political participants in both political systems, as well as developing further skills to use in either context. This development illustrates the functioning of global citizens whereby there is congruence of one’s interests and the political systems that affect the individual. When matters of national character and content are raised, the inclusion of Latinos as both affecting the meaning of such concepts and actively contributing to this discussion is essential.

Conclusion

As a longtime participant in social science research, and directing much of my attention and energy toward the understanding and analyses of Latinos in the U.S., I know that the availability of good social science data has been a real challenge of inclusion for Latino populations. As discussed by Affigne in chapter 1, the development of social science surveys began with sustained efforts to include Latinos as part of the representative segment of Americana, especially when trying to identify the thoughts, opinions, and behaviors of the general American populace. While it has been the case for more than a generation, there still remain some persistent issues relative to continued and consistent inclusion of Latinos in social science surveys. In addition, there is greater recognition of the utility of looking at the Latino community exclusively in light of the complexities and diversity within this broad panethnic aggregation.

The collection of research articles in this volume represents a diversity of trained research eyes utilizing two major contemporary social science surveys to explore a range of topics and questions that have a direct bearing on the condition, status, and dynamics of Latinos in the U.S. An added dimension is that the contributors represent the current generation of researchers who are building on the earlier efforts of a smaller and persistent cadre of Latino researchers. Thus, this cohort of scholars can provide additional theoretical formulations and calibrations, utilization of more powerful analytical techniques, and expansion of the scope of inquiry regarding Latinos and the American sociopolitical system. I would like to end this foreword with an important challenge to embrace the diversity and complexities associated with Latino communities and the realities that affect their lives. In doing so, researchers should not avoid the adversity and risks we sometimes face in conceptualizing, measuring, and analyzing, in a more complete and truthful manner, the sociopolitical phenomena that affect this community and the larger society.

Suggested Readings

Abrajano, Marisa A., and R. Michael Alvarez. New Faces, New Voices: The Hispanic Electorate in America. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010.

Beltrán, Cristina. The Trouble with Unity: Latino Politics and the Creation of Identity. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Casellas, Jason. Latino Representation in State Houses and Congress. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011.

Chavez, Leo. The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008.

Coll, Kathleen. Remaking Citizenship: Latina Immigrants and New American Politics. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010.

Espino, Rodolfo, David Leal, and Kenneth Meier. Latino Politics: Identity, Mobilization, and Representation. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007.

Fraga, Luis, John A. García, Rodney Hero, Michael Jones-Correa, Valerie Martinez-Ebers, and Gary Segura. Latino Lives in America: Making It Home. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010.

Garcia, F. Chris, and Gabriel R. Sanchez. Hispanics and the U.S. Political System: Moving into the Mainstream. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2008.

García-Bedolla, Lisa. Latino Politics. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2009.

Janoski, Thomas. The Ironies of Citizenship: Naturalization and Integration in Industrialized Countries. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Jimenez, Tomas. Replenished Ethnicity: Mexican Americans, Immigration, and Identity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009.

Lippard, Cameron D., and Charles A. Gallagher, eds. Being Brown in Dixie: Race, Ethnicity, and Latino Immigration in the New South. Boulder, CO: First Forum, 2010.

Ortiz, Vilma, and Edward Telles. Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and Race. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2009.

Pallares, Amalia, and Nilda Flores-Gonzalez, eds. Marcha: Latino Chicago and the Immigrant Rights Movement. Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2010.

Acknowledgments

This book culminates a four-year collaborative effort, and we gratefully acknowledge all those people who have made its completion possible. Most importantly, we thank our seventeen authors, who have produced such richly empirical, thoroughly documented analyses of Latino political behavior. The findings they report in this book are from the Latino National Survey (LNS and LNS-NE, 2005–2008), the largest-ever survey of its kind, with 9,834 Latino respondents, sampled from Latino populations of twenty U.S. states and the District of Columbia. As you can imagine, the LNS data thus constituted an essential foundation for this entire volume.

Therefore we acknowledge a profound scholarly debt to Luis Fraga, John García, Gary Segura, Rodney Hero, Michael Jones Correa, and Valerie Martinez-Ebers—the LNS principal investigators. As soon as their research was complete, they made the entire dataset available to other researchers without cost or restrictions.¹ This open approach to data sharing reflects the best traditions of the political science discipline, and we thank the PIs for their generosity.

We also gratefully acknowledge the research grants we received from the Rhode Island Foundation (RIF) between 2007 and 2011, which provided crucial support for this edited volume, as well as for a national Latino political studies conference, precursor to this book, in 2009. In addition, the foundation’s financial support allowed us to expand the original 2005–2006 LNS survey into New England, sending a second wave of LNS interviewers² into the field during 2007 and 2008, surveying large samples in Rhode Island,³ Massachusetts, and Connecticut⁴ (combined n = 1,200). With this New England supplement, the combined LNS sample (n = 9,834) constitutes one of the largest such datasets publicly available to scholars. For all of this, we gratefully acknowledge the leadership and grant-program staff at the Rhode Island Foundation, including Neil Steinberg, Anna Cano Morales, and Yvette Mendez.

The index for the book was compiled by Rosalind Fielder, reference and instruction librarian at Chicago State University. Professor Fielder is a specialist in political science, law, military science, and criminal justice, and we appreciate her skillful index design; it should help you find exactly what you need in our text.

Finally, we acknowledge excellent assistance by researchers Hongwei Xu, Flannery Patton, and Ulli Ryder at Brown University, and Johara Hall at Providence College. We drew inspiration and insights from other members of our LNS New England project team—José Itzigsohn, Matt García, Cynthia García Coll, and Jorge Elorza. And an effort like this one depends absolutely on efficient administrative support, provided in our case by Patricia Balsofiore and Andrea Casavant at Brown, and Emerald Lopes at Providence College. Their contributions were essential to this project. Many thanks to all.

Notes

1. Luis R. Fraga, John A. García, Rodney E. Hero, Michael Jones-Correa, Valerie Martinez-Ebers, and Gary Segura, Latino National Survey (LNS), 2006 [Computer file], ICPSR20862-v4, Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2010-05-26, doi:10.3886/ICPSR20862.v4.

2. Evelyn Hu-DeHart, Matthew García, Cynthia García Coll, José Itzigsohn, Marion Orr, Tony Affigne, and Jorge Elorza, Latino National Survey (LNS)—New England, 2006 [Computer file], ICPSR24502-v1, Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2009-06-04, doi:10.3886/ICPSR24502.v1.

3. See the report Rhode Island Latinos—Debunking Myths and Uncovering Truths: Evidence from the New England Latino Survey, by Evelyn Hu-DeHart, Matthew García, Cynthia García Coll, José Itzigsohn, Marion Orr, Tony Affigne, and Jorge Elorza, with Flannery Patton and Hongwei Xu (Providence, RI: Brown University, Center for the Study of Race and Ethnicity in America, 2009).

4. See the report Connecticut Latinos: Evidence from the Connecticut Samples of the Latino National Survey—New England, by Mark Abrahamson, Alexandra Alpert, Yazmin Garcia Trejo, Mark Overmyer-Velázquez, Werner Oyanadel, and Charles Robert Venator Santiago (Storrs: University of Connecticut, Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, 2010).

Introduction

TONY AFFIGNE, EVELYN HU-DEHART, AND MARION ORR

This book is a truly collaborative effort, allowing the final whole to be more than the sum of its initial parts. In a continuing spirit of cooperation, we now offer this book to scholars, students, policymakers, and community leaders, toward a better understanding of Latinos, in our nation’s rapidly evolving plural society.

Our collection of original essays culminates the Latino National Survey–New England Extension project, which was generously funded by the Rhode Island Foundation. The book consists primarily of research papers first presented at our National Conference on Latino Politics, Power, and Policy held at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, during October 2009. These papers were then substantially revised and updated for publication. All of the conference presentations were original research using data from the Latino National Survey (2006), which, with a sample of 8,634 respondents, is the largest Latino-specific survey available to researchers and the general public. Six distinguished political scientists led the Latino National Survey project: Luis Fraga (University of Washington), John García (University of Michigan), Rodney Hero (University of California, Berkeley), Michael Jones-Correa (Cornell University), Valerie Martinez-Ebers (University of North Texas), and Gary Segura (Stanford University).

The New England project added 1,200 respondents surveyed in 2007 and 2008, from Latino populations in Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. Because the original LNS sampled from Latino populations of Washington, D.C., and seventeen states—Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Texas, Virginia, and Washington—when the New England states were added, the cumulative sample of 9,834 had been drawn from a combined Latino population of nearly 40 million—a coverage area comprising 89.6% of all Latinos residing in the United States in 2006, including all of the states with the largest Latino populations (see table 1.2, Sample Sizes—Latino National Survey / New England Extension, 2005–2008, in chapter 1).

The survey consisted of 165 question items, yielding 275 variables; some items were unique, while many others were adopted from widely used national surveys including the General Social Survey (GSS) and American National Election Study (ANES). The items addressed topics ranging from basic demographics to questions about local and national politics, religiosity, education, discrimination, race relations, level of integration and acculturation, and many more. The resulting data give us detailed and extensive insights into experiences, beliefs, and attitudes of Latinos across the nation, at a crucial moment in U.S. history and in the development of the national Latino political community. Respondents were offered the option of being interviewed in Spanish or English and were not queried directly about immigration status. For a detailed description of survey items, see appendix A, The Latino National Survey Questionnaire, at the end of this book.

In addition to the LNS’s broad national coverage and survey depth, it was also designed to facilitate comparison; at least 400 respondents were interviewed in each of eighteen subsamples, and for larger states, as many as 1,200—making possible a wide range of statistical comparisons across states and metropolitan areas, allowing researchers to identify contextualized variations in political attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors. It thus rectifies an important weakness of other national surveys, which have in effect oversampled more populous states and thus homogenized our picture of the Latino experience, as though Latino experiences in all states and regions were the same, making it harder for scholars to see important differences in state-level political cultures, opportunity structures, or social conditions. Additionally, the project’s complex design captured a wide range of differences among Latinos’ immigration histories, citizenship, national origins, gender, education, income, places of residence, population concentrations, and political affiliations, as well as state-level partisanship and institutional structures.

In sum, the Latino National Survey has provided a timely and much-needed empirical foundation for understanding a segment of the American population whose continued political incorporation is intimately tied to the future of the country, while also providing a substantially improved baseline for Latino attitudinal data, on which systematic policy analysis can rely and from which future scholars can build new theoretical understandings.

We in Rhode Island who led the New England extension of the national survey are grateful for the opportunity to add three distinctive states to the national dataset. Data for all twenty-one subsamples, and for both the national and New England surveys, are available to the public through the Resource Center for Minority Data (RCMD) of the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) at the University of Michigan. See appendix 1B, Data Repositories and Datasets for Latino Political Studies (1979–2014), in chapter 1, for links to datasets and documentation.

Plan of the Book

In chapter 1, Tony Affigne frames our authors’ contributions, showing how today’s scholars represent something of a third generation in the field, after earlier periods in formal political analysis (political science) which were characterized first by exclusion of Latino subjects before 1970. A second period from 1970 to 1998 represents a time of emergence for Latino political movements and for Latino political studies. And now, in the years since 1998, like the Latino political community itself, the study of Latino politics is experiencing a period of empowerment. The research chapters in this book, Affigne writes, reflect some of the best work from this new period, exploring questions about Latino identity (latinidad), the nature of Latino assimilation and community, racial identities, interminority relations, and more.

In chapter 2, Jessica Lavariega Monforti explores mechanisms for building a panethnic identity among Latinos. Once largely of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent, the Latino population in the U.S. is increasingly diverse. Latinos in the U.S. now have heritages from Cuba, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, and other Latin and Central American countries. Some earlier research suggested that the diversity among Latinos was one of the reasons why low levels of panethnicity existed among Latinos. Latinos living in the U.S. were more likely to identify with their nation of origin and/or ancestral home (Mexican or Colombian) rather than embrace a panethnic identity. Results from the LNS show that this is changing, and more and more Latinos are now panethnic identifiers. In chapter 2, Lavariega Monforti systematically accounts for those factors that are critical in the process of Latinos developing a panethnic identity.

In chapter 3, Sarah Allen Gershon and Adrian Pantoja examine the controversial issue surrounding the relationship between transnational ties and Latino political incorporation in the U.S. Some critics of immigration argue that the ties that bind Latino immigrants to their home countries (e.g., visiting the home country, sending remittances, calling friends and relatives by telephone) inhibit the naturalization process and impede the incorporation of Latinos into American civic and political life. Utilizing a unique set of questions in the LNS about transnational activities, Gershon and Pantoja show that transnational ties influence Latino immigrants in different ways. For example, owning property in the home country decreases significantly the likelihood that a Latino immigrant will seek to become a U.S. citizen. However, Gershon and Pantoja’s findings call into question the argument that transnational ties negatively influence the level of civic engagement in the U.S. In fact, Gershon and Pantoja’s findings suggest that maintenance of transnational ties may positively influence the political incorporation process of Latino immigrants. Gershon and Pantoja show that immigrants from Latin America can maintain ties to their country of origin and simultaneously become incorporated into American political and civic life.

In chapter 4, Jessica Lavariega Monforti and Melissa Michelson provide a detailed empirical examination of political trust among Latinos. Political scientists have long argued that trust in government and government institutions is critical for functioning democracies. Since the 1970s, survey research has shown a considerable decline in the percentages of people who say that they have a high level of trust in government. Lavariega Monforti and Michelson report that recent surveys show that only about 5 percent of respondents in national surveys say that they trust the government just about always. Latinos, however, are more trusting of government. Among respondents in the LNS, 12 percent reported that they could trust government just about always. Lavariega Monforti and Michelson explore political trust among Latinos generally and within the various Latino subgroups. They show that increased trust in government is related to how Latinos are acculturated into a racialized subgroup and their level of linked fate with other Latinos. In other words, this research shows that for Latino immigrants, feelings of linked fate and a strong sense of community can serve as an antidote to political cynicism.

Before the LNS, we knew little about Latinos’ stances on many of the key public policy issues facing the nation. In chapter 5, Regina Branton, Ana Franco, and Robert Wrinkle examine how acculturation and political knowledge influences Latino attitudes across several public policy domains. Branton and her colleagues are able to provide these important insights because of the richness and range of the policy issues covered in the LNS. Their research shows important ways in which the level of political knowledge among Latinos mediates how acculturation influences Latino public opinion on education, abortion, same-sex marriage, immigration, and other policy matters. Branton, Franco, and Wrinkle’s exploration of policy preferences among Latinos shows that acculturation matters. Their unique insight, however, is that political knowledge interacts with acculturation to influence Latino public opinion and the impact of the interaction varies across different policy domains.

In chapter 6, Heather Silber Mohamed explores the meaning of being an American to Latinos. The chapter examines differences in the boundaries of Americanism among individuals from distinct ancestral-origin subgroups, levels of integration, and regions of residence across the United States. Silber Mohamed measures how country of origin, place of resident, and acculturation into the U.S. shape whether or not Latinos perceive American to be an open category that they are able to be a part of. She finds, for example, that Latinos typically believe that speaking English is an important component of being American. Among the various Latino subgroups, Salvadorans have the most restrictive view of what it takes to be considered an American. This chapter provides researchers with a better understanding of the conditions under which Latino immigrants view American as an open or closed designation.

In chapter 7, Marion Orr, Domingo Morel, and Katrina Gamble make use of the New England extension of the LNS. They focus on the factors that predict whether or not Latinos in New England believe they have something in common with African Americans. A considerable amount of research focuses on competition between Blacks and Latinos. In this chapter, Orr, Morel, and Gamble, shift the focus from competition between Blacks and Latinos to political and economic commonality. Instead of analyzing potential hurdles to coalition