Bolsonarismo: The Global Origins and Future of Brazil’s Far Right

By Fernando Brancoli

Bolsonarismo: The Global Origins and Future of Brazil’s Far Right documents the rise of the far-right alliance that emerged in Brazil in 2020 around the figure of former president Jair Bolsonaro. Unlike a cohesive organization with uniform practices, Bolsonarismo is marked by fragmentation and a broad variety of ideologies. Fernando Brancoli delves deeply into how Bolsonarismo has developed a specific political orientation through its partnerships with other groups, practices, and subjectivities within Brazil, as well as internationally.

Through interviews, archival research, and newly available public documents, this book presents a comprehensive and compelling portrait of the neo-evangelical pastors, military personnel, and meritocratic ideologues who are the actors behind the far-right movement. Adding to our understanding of Bolsonarismo's growth in Brazilian politics and the contributing factors behind it, the book also sheds light on the impact of Bolsonarismo on world politics. As a prominent leader of the far-right movement, Jair Bolsonaro's political views and policies have reverberated beyond Brazil's borders, influencing the discourse on issues such as climate change, democracy, and human rights around the world.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Rutgers University Press
• Release date: Nov 10, 2023
• ISBN: 9781978838574

Book preview

Bolsonarismo

Bolsonarismo

The Global Origins and Future of Brazil’s Far Right

FERNANDO BRANCOLI

Rutgers University Press

New Brunswick, Camden, and Newark, New Jersey London and Oxford

Rutgers University Press is a department of Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, one of the leading public research universities in the nation. By publishing worldwide, it furthers the University’s mission of dedication to excellence in teaching, scholarship, research, and clinical care.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Brancoli, Fernando, author.

Title: Bolsonarismo : the global origins and future of Brazil's far right / Fernando Brancoli.

Description: First edition. | New Brunswick, New Jersey : Rutgers University Press, [2024] | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2023022229 | ISBN 9781978838550 (paperback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781978838567 (hardcover : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781978838574 (epub) | ISBN 9781978838581 (pdf)

Subjects: LCSH: Bolsonaro, Jair, 1955– | Conservatism—Brazil. | Right-wing extremists—Brazil. | Brazil—Politics and government—2003– | Brazil—Social conditions—21st century.

Classification: LCC JC573.2.B6 B73 2024 | DDC 320.52098109/05—dc23/eng/20230608

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023022229

A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library.

Copyright © 2024 by Fernando Brancoli

All rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the publisher. Please contact Rutgers University Press, 106 Somerset Street, New Brunswick, NJ 08901. The only exception to this prohibition is fair use as defined by U.S. copyright law.

References to internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor Rutgers University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared.

∞ The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

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Contents

Introduction

1. Extreme Right, Bolsonarismo, and the Multiple Bodies of Conservatism in Brazil

2. Bolsonarismo and the Battle against Globalism: Neoconservatism as a Transnational Alliance

3. Moral Geopolitics: Neo-Pentecostalism, Christian Zionism, and the Internationalization of Salvation

4. Domestic and International Pacification: Militarism, Peacekeeping Operations, and Enemy Formation in Brazil

5. Authoritarian Meritocracy: Bolsonarismo, the Establishment of an Entrepreneurial Nation, and the Privatization of the Family

Conclusion: Bolsonarismo after Bolsonaro—From New Institutional Leaders to Evangelical Paramilitary Groups

Acknowledgments

Notes

References

Index

About the Author

Bolsonarismo

Introduction

This book is dedicated to critically examining the structure of Bolsonarismo in Brazil. Bolsonarismo is described here as a broad coalition of far-right collectives orbiting around former president Jair Bolsonaro’s persona rather than a cohesive organization with uniform practices. Bolsonaro served as Brazil’s president from 2019 until 2022, and his rise to prominence may be attributed to his reactionary stands on crucial social and political issues such as LGBTQIA+ rights, the environment, and criminal justice. As a military veteran, Bolsonaro maintained ties to extreme right-wing groups during his three decades in Congress. Despite condemnation from both domestic and international authorities, his reactionary campaign and vague promises to combat corruption, promote economic growth, and uphold traditional values have gained him substantial popular support in Brazil.

The book demonstrates that Bolsonarismo, despite its fragmentation, has developed an explicit political orientation in recent years, not only through constitutive alliances at the domestic level—involving neo-Pentecostal churches and proponents of neoliberal policies, for example—but also through articulations with international groups, practices, and subjectivities. Engagement with the Trump administration, discourses about Brazil’s supposed defense of the Holy Land and Israel, or the experience of Brazilian military forces in peace operations are all instances of transnational facets that contribute to the formation of Bolsonarismo. I argue that, despite Jair Bolsonaro’s departure from office, authoritarian organizations continue to foster transnational connections and threaten democracy in Brazil, as demonstrated by the mayhem in the nation’s capital on January 8, 2023, when far-right protesters stormed government buildings. The research reinforces how external discourses were reinterpreted and reformed by different national endogenous leaders, coupling internal and external grammars.

This book proposes to investigate the international dimensions of contemporary Brazilian far-right politics, which have gained momentum since the presidential election of Bolsonaro, arguably Brazil’s single most far-right public figure, in October 2018. My goal is to investigate how international constraints influenced recent developments in Brazilian politics, allowing a far-right party coalition to win the election. The proposed method is global and attempts to circumvent restrictions imposed by national borders. Its primary objective is to comprehend the interrelationships, effects, and even continuities that a perspective that prioritizes national narratives has either overlooked or minimized. It is suggested that, when examining supranational connections, the processes and movements of ideas and mental differences that typically transcend national political boundaries be taken into account. Even if such ideas have taken on distinct local expressions, they provide evidence that the narratives we are dealing with are interconnected rather than separate and comparable.

In the postcrisis international order, neoliberal policies have become more radical, influencing state-society interactions around the world (Dardot and Laval 2014). The reemergence of far-right parties and movements opposing conventional liberal-democratic institutions and ideals is one of its most widespread impacts, notably in Europe with Brexit and in the United States with Donald Trump’s presidency (Mudde 2016; Worth 2022). It has been called a populist moment of the far right, a fight against establishment elites and human rights agendas, especially when it comes to immigration and multiculturalism, as well as a reactionary political platform based on the idea of an economic model based on race (Mouffe 2019). Analysts have been most impressed by the radical right’s success in utilizing political opportunities and building frames of collective action—effectively organizing itself as a social movement and expanding its actions through cross-national links and international cooperation among political parties and nonpolitical organizations (Caiani and Círsař 2018).

This establishes the international as a constitutive domain of the current wave of far-right politics, as explored in recent international historical sociology literature (Anievas and Saull 2022). The far right is both a response to and an agent of international politics: by functioning as a transmission mechanism to reconfigure domestic politics against secular, progressive reforms, far-right actors become defined by changing features of the state within developing geopolitical and economic configurations, and through unprecedented transnational solidarity and interchange, far-right politics has become an ambiguous site of both resistance to and participation in global politics. It is fair to envision a far-right structure that is internationally connected. Modern populist movements have an unmistakable global element, despite their emphasis on nationalist identity. There are a variety of affiliations connecting them, ranging from informal ties to official entanglements such as the European Parliament (Drolet and Williams 2021). Similar comparisons may be made between their political discourses and languages: they interact and share their expertise to achieve a common goal—the destruction of global liberalism.

A populist political strategy associated with both right and far-right political currents is needed to ensure far-right political hegemony in Brazil today. Hence, I emphasize my investigation of this particular form of agency in order to better understand contemporary far-right politics in the country. Far-right politics in Latin America has a particular history, which is epitomized by the combination of Hayekian neoliberalism with the authoritarian dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet in Chile against organized labor and social measures. Anger votes have lately been embodied in Latin America by the so-called political outsiders (Malamud and Nuñez 2019), who persuasively channel public dissatisfaction toward established party politics and mobilize far-right political tropes and imaginaries in populist electoral platforms. Along with a wave of soft coups across the continent (in Honduras in 2009, Paraguay in 2012, and Brazil in 2016), this has ended the two-decade-long pink tide of center-left governments in Latin America that pursued redistributive economic policies and progressive social agendas. However, the case of Brazil shows that these governments are not independent of the neoliberal framework.

Brazil’s contemporary growth of the extreme right has deeper historical origins, including legacies and exceptional policies from the civil-military dictatorship (1964–1985) and even preceding times (Kaysel 2015). Since the 1980s, liberal-conservative sectors of the corporate hegemonic apparatus have also adopted a new aggressive mode of activity (Avelar 2021). The Lava Jato (Car Wash) corruption scandal and Dilma Rousseff’s legislative coup in 2016 have affected the general outlook of this investigation, resulting in a conspiracy between the mainstream media and the judiciary to wage lawfare against the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores; PT) by selectively leaking information under investigation to the news media (Singer et al. 2016; Proner et al. 2016). Thus, there was moral panic among Brazilians, who connected the PT with state corruption in general and former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in particular with an alleged unlawful organization. The attempted murder of president-elect Bolsonaro at a rally in September 2018 provided the context for the electoral win of the Social Liberal Party (Partido Social Liberal; PSL) in Brazil on behalf of the far-right alliance. This coalition can be seen as a loose network of right-wing and far-right organizations and people. It is made up of parliamentary alliances between evangelical neoconservatives, agribusiness leaders, and the arms industry complex; ultraconservative intellectuals, like Olavo de Carvalho, whose reputation helped him get appointed to several government ministries; ultraliberal civil organizations, like the Instituto Millenium, Movimento Brasil Livre, and Instituto Mises Brasil, all closely tied to international think tanks such as the Atlas Network; and other well-known state officials, investors, media oligopolies, popular celebrities, and even YouTubers (Kaysel, Codas, and Cruz 2015; Cepêda 2018).

In spite of the fact that Bolsonaro had been a member of Congress for nearly thirty years, his campaign was able to portray him as an antiestablishment leader who was waging a war against elite privileges and corruption, which far-right groups and intellectuals attribute to cultural Marxism and human rights defenders in the country. In his inaugural address, he pledged to rid the country of gender ideology, political correctness, and socialists. Former Brazilian foreign minister Ernesto Araújo, a staunch supporter of Donald Trump’s victory in the United States, lamented that contemporary globalist cultural Marxism promotes the dilution of gender and national sentiment, arguing that the left wants a world of ‘gender fluid’ people and cosmopolitans without a homeland, denying the biological basis of national identity (Araújo 2021). When compared to the Brazilian Integralist Alliance (Aliança Integralista Brasileira; AIB), Brazil’s largest grassroots fascist organization from the 1930s, the contemporary far-right in Brazil is neither organic nor intellectually unified (Gonçalves and Neto 2022). Although current political-related activities and statements show unmistakable evidence of neofascist characteristics, they are not overtly fascist with regard to political coordination or socialization, the varieties of which emerged in the interwar era. Nonetheless, the vast majority of analyses in Brazil have connected present events to a reemerging fascist threat and the normalization of authoritarianism in daily life (Ortellado and Solano 2016; Messenberg 2017). Using interwar fascism as a general template and analytical starting point nevertheless obscures the longer-term historical and broader political membership of the far right, which predates the fascist era, and therefore the enduring structural connections between politics and economics and the far right are obscured and the evolving character of the far right is not properly explained (Saull et al. 2015b).

For this reason, I have chosen to provide a historical sociological study of far-right politics in Brazil. The transnational ties and structures of current Brazilian far-right politics have also received less attention, although they are becoming more apparent. As mentioned earlier, the objective of this study is to investigate how foreign subjectivities molded Brazil’s extreme right. In describing the Brazilian extreme right, analysts have identified three connected ideologies: radicalized libertarianism, religious fundamentalism, and the recycling of anticommunism (Maitino 2018; Miguel 2018). In the past several years, all three have emerged from various political networks and divergent pathways of articulation and leadership. Even though some studies (Rocha 2015; Chaloub and Lima 2018) have focused on the international and transnational coconstitution of such developments, the lack of a domestic breeding ground for such ideologies makes it hard to attribute the far right’s recent successes to domestic causes alone.

The research presented in this book employs an interdisciplinary methodology that synthesizes theoretical and empirical perspectives from the social sciences and humanities. To do this, the study utilizes a qualitative research methodology that pulls from three primary data sources: documents, archives, and interviews.

The document analysis includes analyzing the written materials created and disseminated by parties, organizations, and movements associated with the Brazilian extreme right, as well as its opponents and critics. These publications include, among others, manifestos, programs, declarations, speeches, essays, and pamphlets. The major purpose of this research was to identify and analyze the fundamental concepts, attitudes, narratives, and tactics that form the Brazilian extreme right.

The archive analysis comprises the examination of video resources that document the actions and events of the Brazilian extreme right or that portray its media image. Videos, audio recordings, photos, and other multimedia forms were incorporated. This strategy aims to enhance my comprehension of the modes of expression and mobilization deployed by the extreme right in the public sphere.

In addition to document and archival studies, this study includes semistructured interviews with relevant actors who have expertise on the Brazilian extreme right. These individuals include leaders or militants of the far right, politicians or intellectuals who oppose the movement or engage in conversation with it, journalists and academics who follow and research its development, victims or witnesses of its brutality, and others. The interview questions adhere to a semistructured script aimed to investigate different facets of the phenomena under investigation. Since January 2018, I have done a number of informative interviews that have been indispensable to the research effort. These conversations have taken place in many countries, including Brazil, the United States, Israel, and Hungary, both in person and online. Using a mixed-methods strategy, I was capable of gathering a large and diverse data set that allowed me to investigate a wide variety of far-right subjects.

The in-person interviews have proved to be a particularly useful research technique, as they have enabled me to interact directly with participants and obtain a greater knowledge of their viewpoints and experiences. I have conducted interviews with a variety of personalities, including academics, activists, politicians, and community leaders. From the issues confronting marginalized communities to the intricacies of navigating political settings, these conversations have allowed me to investigate a vast array of themes.

I have conducted online interviews in addition to in-person interviews for a range of research projects. In circumstances where geographic constraints make in-person interviews problematic or impossible, this strategy has shown to be very beneficial. Despite the inherent constraints of online interviews, I have found them to be a useful tool in my research activities, allowing me to interact with a greater spectrum of individuals and investigate otherwise-inaccessible themes.

I have been devoted to upholding the ethical integrity of my work throughout my research activities. To this end, I have always identified participants unless they requested anonymity.

Using an inductive and interpretative logic, the study of the gathered data seeks to develop a complete and critical picture of the extreme right in Brazil after Bolsonaro’s administration. Also, the study acknowledges the ethical, political, emotional, practical, and professional obstacles inherent in examining such a delicate subject. The approach of thematic analysis will be used to find, code, and analyze themes or patterns that arise from the data. This technique permits a flexible and exhaustive investigation of qualitative data that may identify both similarities and differences across instances. In addition, one of the benefits of qualitative research is its capacity to gather rich and thorough data that may contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the topic under investigation.

The Many Names of the Far Right

The terms left and right, although often overused, are not universally agreed on, as is common with ideas so central to political discourse (Kaysel 2015). A challenge for those who want to do scholarly research on this topic is how to properly distinguish and operationalize the many arguments that go on outside the realm of public discourse. After a survey of the relevant literature, Felipe Monestier and Gabriel Vommaro (2021) offer four unique approaches to the problem of nomenclature. The first approach, which the authors describe as ideological, is to link right-wing formations to particular conceptions or ideals—in general, conservatism, authoritarianism, or the free market. The second approach, dubbed sociological, correlates right-wing groups to political movements that advocate for the upper classes. The third option, a topological definition, would start with the assumption that the left-right difference is relational and that the position of actors along this vector cannot be determined a priori. In this section of the article, Monestier and Vommaro have incorporated research that employs methodologies such as surveys and analyses of party programs. The purpose of these methodologies is to accurately position different political parties along the left-right continuum. Finally, a historicist approach would stress the sociohistorical variety of political formations without losing sight of their shared ideological characteristics. One can conceptualize a political position as the end result of a progression of responses, either in opposition to or in support of historically contextualized inclusive sociopolitical innovations. Each response is deeply entrenched in its unique context, collectively shaping the final political stance. René Remond’s work on the configuration of the right in France, which traces its course from 1815 to the present day, is a famous example of this sort of research.

One metaphor for understanding the political right would be that of a field, in which many formations struggle for the domain of space but are capable of acting in unison when the domain is assaulted by external forces. In the particular situation of the far right, experts cannot agree on a universal definition, with interpretations varying significantly by geographic and historical context. Cynthia Miller-Idris (2022, 15) identifies right wing, radical right, right-wing radicalism, right-wing extremism, right wing terrorism, white power, white nationalism, white supremacism, white separatism, racially and ethnically motivated extremism, alt right, and alt lite in the specialized literature. According to Antônio Flávio Pierucci (1987, 40), the extreme right consists of constellations, in which multiple viewpoints interact and feed off one another. The author’s goal is to identify categories of reasoning on the basis of critical aspects and cleavages by semantic fields using semistructured interviews in São Paulo. Because of the importance of narratives and discourses in the creation and development of political organizations, they are expected to play a significant role in the study of interactions in the right-wing political arena.

Throughout Europe, far right political parties have grown and consolidated during the past three decades, as seen by their increasing popularity in elections and subsequent inclusion in legislative and executive coalitions (Backes and Moreau 2011; Mudde 2000; Ignazi 2003). However, despite the failure of a few campaigns, others were more popular, like France’s National Front, Norway’s Progress Party, and Italy’s Northern League. The Tea Party, a Republican Party movement credited with establishing the basis for Donald Trump’s 2016 election success, initially arose in the Americas in 2009, and the radical right was subsequently sanctified with Bolsonaro and the PSL’s triumphs in Brazil’s elections. Its resurgence is one of the most significant developments in contemporary democracies, and it can be witnessed in Australia, Israel, and Japan, albeit with many local modifications.

There is a broad competition for leadership of this political mind-set with the moderate right (Bar-On 2018). The moderate right is the easiest to identify due to its longevity, since it is related to both Norberto Bobbio’s (1996) fundamental description and what Katy Brown, Aurelien Mondon, and Aaron Winter (2021) call the mainstream right. This is the right that swept the first elections in Brazil following the end of the dictatorship, and it was represented by the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (Partido Social Democrata; PSDB) from 1994 to 2018, particularly with its gradual ascension to the top of this political pole. Right-wing political parties have focused their policy initiatives on preserving and perpetuating a market-based economy. This topic includes the implications of a variety of liberalizing measures, often manifested as legislative changes that push for less regulated and more open market conditions. These groups’ key policies include deregulation of the financial sector and privatization of government services, which are their primary methods of supporting these liberalizing measures.

Due to the term’s novelty, the academic literature characterizes the far right in a variety of ways, with at least twenty-six separate definitions and fifty-seven distinct features—including nationalism, xenophobia, racism, and opposition to democracy—being the most prevalent (Mudde 1995, 2007). These political groups in Europe have two common perceived enemies: the establishment and political pluralism. Aside from the party’s stances on subjects like immigration, gender equality, and the rights of people who identify as LGBTQIA+, this resistance may be seen in the party’s rhetorical tactic of moralizing political discourse (Camus and Lebourg 2017). According to Fabiano Santos and Talita Tanscheit (2019), the radical right phenomenon in Brazil parallels the demise of the moderate right, historically observed in a number of countries and thoroughly researched by Herbert Kitschelt (2007, 2018). Its political parties, like the PSL, lack organization and rely heavily on the personal networks of charismatic leaders, their supporters, and their international partners. The sociocultural dispute is raised to the same level as the socioeconomic debate and is characterized by hostility toward initiatives that address sociocultural imbalances and constitutional protection for minority groups, most notably women, LGBTQIA+ individuals, and Black communities. For the sake of analyzing the Brazilian situation, the radical right may first be defined by three factors. The first is economic in nature, defined by a neoliberal orientation marked by the state’s extreme refusal to participate in the marketplace. The second is in connection with sociocultural disparities as defined by conservative behavioral rules and the defense of governmental intrusion into people’s and families’ private choices about sexual, religious, cultural, and educational orientation. The latter is connected to the democratic spectrum as a result of animosity against the political system and the manner in which political representation is carried out in the nation, with an emphasis on suppressing alternative political groups and discourses.

From the Embarrassed Right to the New Right in Brazil

According to André Kaysel (2015), the right’s trajectory in Brazil is complex, intertwined not just with intellectual currents but also with local and international political forces. Thus, in addition to variations due to ambiguities and internal divisions among the conservative, liberal, and authoritarian camps, the unity and fragmentation of the Brazilian right-wing camp were strongly influenced by broader political movements: Varguismo during the Second Republic; João Goulart’s program prior to the 1964 coup; and the rejection of the military dictatorship in the 1980s. Following Brazil’s redemocratization, one phenomenon—the embarrassed right, the group that refused to admit its identity—deserves particular consideration in relation to the emergence of a right-wing movement in the country. Thus, despite the fact that scholarly studies of nonconservative members of parliament were able to reliably locate parties along a left-right axis, conservative party members often downplay the relevance of ideology, refuse to answer, or self-classify in ways that are at odds with reality (Mainwaring, Meneguello, and Power 2000).

The military government’s unfavorable reputation among the country’s elites and the life span of politicians and parties that supported it following redemocratization are regarded as key elements in analyzing the phenomenon (Madeira and Tarouco 2010). If support for the dictatorship was the primary qualification for membership in the right at the time, it was also necessary to distance oneself from the designation right, as right-wing political actors characterized themselves as centrist. This phenomenon was influenced by the emergence of the neoliberal right, which led to the reconfiguration of the national scene, shifting the connotations of what it meant to be on the right. Due to the importance of topics such as privatization and economic deregulation in 1990s political discussion, the situation became connected with the defense of liberalization policies, reducing the weight of the historical component in the country’s description of the right. However, it is important to note that the circumstances of the embarrassed right, which inspired the current party system, still have echoes in the current political system. As Rafael Madeira and Gabriela Tarouco (2010, 175) note, the current distribution of the major Brazilian political parties on the scale is also consistent with their degree of proximity to or distance from the authoritarian regime. Jorge Chaloub and Fernando Perlatto (2015) allude to a shift in the behavior of the Brazilian right by evaluating the discourses of Brazilian new right intellectuals. The right began to speak its name, mostly as a response to the Workers’ Party’s lengthy tenure in the federal government. While André Singer (2010) argues that the PT shifted to the right between 2002 and 2006 with regard to both its electoral alliances and social base, it is worth noting the concurrent rise of antipetismo as a central discursive element within the field of the right (Telles 2016; Fuks, Ribeiro, and Borba 2020). This suggests that, despite the PT’s shift, opposition toward the party has remained prominent and has even grown stronger within right-wing discourse.

Jair Bolsonaro stands out as an anomaly in this context. Despite participating in Congress between 1991 and 2018, he has never referred to himself as an embarrassed right, openly expressing his right-wing sympathies and support for the military regime. He also disagreed with the 1990s acceptance of neoliberalism. Despite causing some embarrassment among other leaders, this swift rise to prominence enabled him to become a leading figure in the campaign against the PT. In this way, he has an ambivalent connection with the so-called new right: although he is not an integral member of it, he was accepted by this network, and the Bolsonarista collective included personalities who could be included in this segment.

During the past decade, the term new right has been more popular in the social sciences due to the rise of neoconservative regimes on the political scene. These organizations are defined by their leaders’ aggressive statements against democracy and minorities who have obtained limited normative protections in the political arena. Bolsonaro might be considered a part of the new right in this sense. When discussing the new right, the literature agrees that the phenomenon is complex and difficult to describe, making it more appropriate to use the term new rights in the plural. In fact, this categorization combines a wide set of intellectuals, journalists, movements, and political actors in Brazil. Should a perspective exist that presents the group as a unified entity, it would be in opposition to the purported left-wing factions. Upon closer scrutiny, however, the heterogeneity within

Reviews for Bolsonarismo

[Adriano Ferreira · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

Excelente e profundo panorama sobre a atual extrema direita brasileira. Desnuda o papel ideológico da família tradicional no neoliberalismo periférico de nosso país.