Babylonian Magic and Sorcery: Being "The Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand"
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In this work first published in 1896, King presents the cuneiform text of a group of sixty clay tablets inscribed with prayers and religious compositions of a devotional and magical character. These tablets were created by the scribes of Ashurbanipal, King of Assyria, between 669–625 B.C., and are currently part of the Kuyunjik collection in the British Museum. King’s illustrations feature a transliteration of each tablet with an English translation of well-preserved passages.
King includes a Babylonian-English glossary, a list of proper names and numerals with their corresponding cuneiform inscriptions, and a list of words and word portions of uncertain translation.
“The texts and translations are accurately presented and definitive. King’s notes are concise, to the point, and easy to follow. But this is a highly technical book, designed for the professional, whether that professional be Assyriologist, paleographer, or magician. What, then, is its value to the non-professional reader? The answer is clear. Babylonian Magic and Sorcery offers us the means to gain an insight into the magico-religious concepts of the Semitic nations. And it is these concepts, and the magic based upon them, that underlie the worldview of the Western esoteric tradition, for that tradition is essentially Judaeo-Christian—it does not, save indirectly, derive from ancient Egypt.” —from the Foreword by R. A. Gilbert
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Babylonian Magic and Sorcery - Leonard W. King
This edition first published in 2000 by
Samuel Weiser, Inc.
P. O. Box 612
York Beach, ME 03910-0612
www.weiserbooks.com
First hardcover edition, 2000
Foreword copyright © 2000 Samuel Weiser, Inc.
All rights reserved. Reviewers may quote brief passages. First published in 1896 by Luzac and Co., London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
King, L.W. (Leonard William), 1869–1919.
Babylonian Magic and Sorcery : the prayers of the lifting of the hand / L. W. King.
p. cm.
ISBN 0–87728–934–4 (alk. paper)
1. Incantations, Assyro-Babylonian. 2. Magic, Assyro-Babylonian. 3. Akkadian language-Texts. I. Title.
PJ3791 .K56 2000
299'.21—dc21
00-036516
Printed in the United States of America
EB
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences–Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48–1992(R1997).
www.redwheelweiser.com
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I DEDICATE THIS BOOK
TO.
THE REV. A.F. KIRKPATRICK, D.D.,
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW AND FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE;
CANON OF ELY CATHEDRAL,
ETC., ETC., ETC.,
AS A TOKEN OF REGARD AND ESTEEM.
CONTENTS.
LIST OF TABLETS
FOREWORD BY R. A. GILBERT
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
TRANSLITERATION, TRANSLATIONS, AND NOTES
SECTION I. PRAYERS TO GROUPS OF DEITIES
No. 1. Prayer to the Moon-God etc.,
No. 2. Prayer to Ninib etc.,
No. 3. Prayer to Damkina etc.,
No. 4. Prayers to la, Damkina, and Ba'u,
No. 5. Prayer to the God Di-kud etc.,
No. 6. Prayers to Anu, Nuzku, and Sin etc.,
No. 7. Prayer to Iš ara,
No. 8. Prayer to the Goddess Ištar etc.,
No. 9. Prayers to Marduk and a Goddess,
No. 10. Prayers to Marduk and Šamaš,
SECTION II. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO GODS
Nos. 11-18. Prayers to Marduk,
No. 19. Prayers to Bîl,
Nos. 20-21. Prayers to Rammân,
No. 22. Prayers to Nabû,
Nos. 23-26. Prayers to the Moon-God,
Nos. 27-28. Prayer to Nirgal,
SECTION III. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO GODDESSES
No. 29. [Fragment—possible continuation of Tablet No. 27.],
No. 30. Prayer to šala etc.,
Nos. 31-32. Prayers to Ištar,
No. 33. Prayer to Tabšmitu,
No. 34. Prayer to Mi-mi,
No. 35. Prayer to Bilit,
SECTION IV. PRAYERS TO DEITIES WHOSE NAMES ARE NOT PRESERVED
Nos. 36-45. Prayer to a Goddess etc.,
SECTION V. PRAYERS TO ASTRAL DEITIES
No. 46. Prayer to Muštabarrû-Mûtânu,
Nos. 47-48. Prayers to the Star Mulmul,
No. 49. Prayer to the Star Kak-si-di,
Nos. 50-52. Prayers to Sibziana, 113
SECTION VI. PRAYERS AGAINST THE EVILS ATTENDING AN ECLIPSE OF THE MOON
No. 53-62. Prayer to Ía, Šamaš, and Marduk etc.,
VOCABULARY
APPENDIXES
I. LIST OF PROPER NAMES
II. LIST OF NUMERALS
III. PORTIONS OF WORDS AND IDEOGRAPHS OF UNCERTAIN READING
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
INDEX
I. INDEX TO TABLETS AND DUPLICATES
II. INDEX TO REGISTRATION-NUMBERS
CUNEIFORM TEXTS [PLATES]
LIST OF TABLETS.
I. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO GROUPS OF DEITIES:-
Sin, Ištar and Tašmîtu
Ninib, Tašmîtu and another goddess
Ninib and Damkina
Ia, Damkina and Ba'u
Di-kud and Ištar
Anu, Nusku, Sin, Ba'u and Šamaš
Bîlit ili, Iŝ ara and a god
Ištar and certain stars
Marduk and Bîlit ili
Marduk and Šamaš
II. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO GODS:—
Marduk
Bîl
Rammân
Nabû
Sin
Nirgal
III. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO GODDESSES;-
Ša-la
Ištar
Tašmîtu
Mi-mi
Bîlit
IV. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO DEITIES WHOSE NAMES HAVE NOT BEEN PRESERVED
V. PRAYERS ADDRESSED TO ASTRAL DEITIES:-
Muštabarrû-mûtânu
Mul-mul
Kak-si-di
Sibziana
VI. PRAYERS AGAINST THE EVILS ATTENDING AN ECLIPSE OF THE MOON
FOREWORD.
Ever since Napoleon's archaeologists published their researches in their huge and lavishly illustrated Description de I'Egypte (1809–1813), ancient Egypt has been the source of inspiration for Western esotericists. Perhaps because of the splendor of its pictorial imagery, Egypt has held the field as a paradigm of all that is significant in ancient magic and ancient, exotic religion. For a brief period, however, there was a rival to Egyptian supremacy.
When the sculpture and huge, dramatic bas reliefs from Babylon and Ninevah, uncovered by the excavations of Layard and Rawlinson in the mid-19th century, began to arrive in Europe the public were enthralled, but they were also fickle. The greater accessibility of Egypt, and the sheer quantity of material excavated and exported, pushed Babylon and Assyria into the background, and the civilizations of the Tigris and the Euphrates began to be perceived as colorless and dull, even by esotericists. (Madame Blavatsky's Isis Unveiled, for example, has little to say about Babylon, but more than enough about Egypt.) Correcting this unjust perception was to prove a slow process.
Most later Assyriologists lacked the charisma of Layard, and their work attracted no great public following—even when Lenormant's Chaldean Magic appeared in 1874, Western esotericists took little notice of it. Twenty years later they treated Leonard King's Babylonian Magic and Sorcery with equal disdain, or perhaps they were simply afraid of it. Not because it is in any sense morally dubious or practically dangerous, rather it is a case of their being made ill at ease by the author's clear mastery of difficult texts and his professional skill in translating them. For would-be magicians, however, the texts, even in translation, proved too difficult, and esoteric journals, for the most part, ignored King's work. Of the few that did mention it, one—J. M. Watkin's monthly review, Book Notes (May 1896)—described it as One of the most important works of recent date relating to the magic of the Babylonians.
Even this was relatively faint praise, for both King and his book stood unquestioningly head and shoulders above their contemporaries.
If the book invites comparison with any title, it is with R. Campbell Thompson's Semitic Magic (1908). In effect the books are complementary. Thompson gives the reader a general account that sets out, in an engaging style, the sources and development of ancient Hebrew and medieval Jewish magic. He is also familiar with contemporary magical authors: for example, he cites, and is amused by MacGregor Mathers. But while he quotes from ancient texts, Thompson's aim is to provide a commentary and guide. For Babylonian magical texts we must turn to King.
The purpose of Babylonian Magic and Sorcery is stated in the first sentence of the Preface: The object of the present work is to give the cuneiform text of a complete group of tablets inscribed with prayers and religious compositions of a devotional and somewhat magical character.
But this is not all that King provides. He transliterated and, where the tablets are complete, translates in full. All of the tablets come from one site: Kouyunjik, the site of the ancient city of Ninevah, where King would later conduct his own excavations, and on whose inscriptions he was the acknowledged authority.
King was always perplexed by the easy manner in which the Babylonians mixed lofty spiritual conceptions and belief in the efficacy of incantations and magic practices.
Twenty years after writing this, he was still baffled by some aspects of the Babylonian mind: It must be confessed that with regard to a considerable section of the ritual we are still not in a position to follow the underlying trains of thought.
He could only con-clude that, a great body of the religious beliefs and practices of the Babylonians and Assyrians should be more accurately described as falling under the category of magic.
(Magic [Babylonian],
in Hastings's Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, 1915.)
The texts and translations are accurately presented and definitive. King's own notes are concise, to the point, and easy to follow. But it is a highly technical book, designed for the professional, whether that professional be Assyriologist, palaeographer, or magician. What, then, is its value to the non-professional reader? The answer is clear. Babylonian Magic and Sorcery offers us the means to gain an insight into the magico-religious concepts of the Semitic nations. And it is these concepts, and the magic based upon them, that underlie the worldview of the Western esoteric tradition, for that tradition is essentially Judaeo-Christian—it does not, save indirectly, derive from ancient Egypt.
The fundamental difference between the magic of the Babylonians and that of the Egyptians is in their approach to Fate. Egyptians sought to propitiate the gods to ensure a secure and rewarding after-life; they were concerned with the soul and its protection, with the nature of the after-life, and with their personal relationships—to both men and gods—in the world to come. It was, in a sense, a passive and fatalistic approach to magic; a cry to the gods of, Let me be!
Against this the Babylonians took a more robust approach to problems of this life. Prayers were designed, for the most part, to supplicate the gods for the power to combat devils and evil spirits who troubled one here and now. And it was the magician rather than the gods who undertook the battle. The magician's cry was clear: Let me do!
; his was active magic. King was aware of this; in his entry on Fate
for Hastings's Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, he makes clear the role of both gods and men: Fate was never dissociated in Babylonian belief from the personal direction of the gods, and, when once it had been decreed it was still capable, in extreme and exceptional cases, of modification.
Much the same view is expressed by Western magicians of today.
King, however, was neither a magician nor an occultist of any kind: he was the quintessential scholar. Leonard William King was born in 1869 in London and was educated at Rugby School and at King's College, Cambridge. His entire working life was spent as an Assyriologist. When Babylonian Magic and Sorcery was published in 1896, he was an assistant in the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum; later he would become Assistant Keeper, under his friend and colleague, E. A. Wallis Budge. Between 1901 and 1904 he worked in the field, excavating at Ninevah and collecting rich inscriptions in Persia and Kurdistan. For this he was made a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. King was also an inspiring teacher, and for six years, between 1910 and 1915 he was Professor of Assyrian and Babylonian Archaeology in the University of London. His legacy, however, is in his writing.
He was the author or co-author of some twenty books, the best known being his two volumes for the series called Books on Egypt and Chaldea (Babylonian Religion and Mythology, and Assyrian Language); his Letters of Hammurabi (1898–1900); and his monumental History of Babylon (1915). His last book, published a year before his death in 1919, was Legends of Babylon and Egypt in Relation to Hebrew Tradition. Very different from his first book, it showed his abiding concern with the intertwined magic and religion of the strange, vanished culture to which he had devoted his life. Those who come to take up these magical texts that he so expertly translated will find it difficult to evade the fascination they exercised upon him.
—R. A. Gilbert,
Bristol, England
September 2000
PREFACE.
The object of the present work is to give the cuneiform text of a complete group of tablets inscribed with prayers and religious compositions of a devotional and somewhat magical character, from the Kuyunjik collections preserved in the British Museum. To these texts a transliteration into Latin characters has been added, and, in the case of well preserved or unbroken documents, a running translation has been given. A vocabulary with the necessary indexes, etc. is also appended. The cuneiform texts, which fill seventy-five plates, are about sixty in number, and of these only one has hitherto been published in full; the extracts or passages previously given in the works of the late Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, DR. STRASSMAIER, and Prof. BEZOLD will be found cited in the Introduction.
It will be seen that the greater number of the texts formed parts of several large groups of magical tablets, and that certain sections were employed in more than one group. As they appear here they are the result of the editing of the scribes of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria about B. C. 669—625, who had them copied and arranged for his royal library at Nineveh. There is little doubt however that the sources from which they were compiled were Babylonian. The prayers and formulae inscribed on the tablets, which bore the title of Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand
, were drawn up for use in the private worship, either of the king himself, or of certain of his subjects. Some of the tablets are inscribed with single prayers, and these appear to have been copied from the larger compositions for the use of special individuals on special occasions. As examples of this class of text K 223, K 2808, and K 2836 may be mentioned, which contain Ashurbanipal's personal petitions for the deliverance of Assyria from the evils which had fallen upon the land in consequence of an eclipse of the moon.
Unlike the prayers of many Semitic nations the com-positions here given are accompanied by an interesting series of directions for the making of offerings and the performance of religious ceremonies, and they show a remarkable mixture of lofty spiritual conceptions and belief in the efficacy of incantations and magical practices, which cannot always be understood. In language closely resembling that of the penitential psalms we find the conscience-stricken suppliant crying to his god for relief from his sin, while in the same breath he entreats to be delivered from the spells and charms of the sorcerer, and from the hobgoblins, phantoms, spectres and devils with which his imagination had peopled the unseen world.
The scientific study of the Babylonian and Assyrian religion dates from the publication of the Kosmologie der Babylonier by Prof. JENSEN in 1890. In this work the author grouped and classified all the facts connected with the subject which could be derived from published texts, and it was evident that no farther advance could be made until after the publication of new material. It then became clear that the science could be best forwarded by a systematic study of the magical and religious series, class by class, rather than by the issue of miscellaneous texts however complete and important. Following this idea in the present year DR. TALLQVIST produced a scholarly monograph on the important series called by the Assyrians Maklû, and it is understood that Prof. ZIMMERN is engaged on the preparation of an edition of the equally important series called Shurpu. Since this little book has been prepared on similar lines and deals with a connected group of religious texts, it is hoped that it may be of use to those whose studies lead them to the careful consideration of the ancient Semitic religions of Western Asia.
My thanks are due to Prof. BEZOLD both for friendly advice and for help in the revision of the proofs; I am also indebted to Prof. ZIMMERN and a few private friends for suggestions which I have adopted.
LEONARD W. KING.
November 13 th, 1895.
INTRODUCTION.
The clay tablets, from which the texts here published have been copied, are preserved in the British Museum and belong to the various collections from Kuyunjik. The majority are of the K. Collection, but some have been included from the Sm., D.T., Rm., 81 — 2—4, 82—3 — 23, 83 — 1 — 18 and Bu. 91 – 5–9 collections. The tablets, to judge from those that are complete, are not all of the same size but vary from about 4⅞ in. × 2¾ in. to 9½ in. × 3¾ in. All contain one column of writing on obverse and reverse, and, with one exception, are inscribed in the Assyrian character of the VII th century B.C., the longest complete inscription consisting of one hundred and twenty-one lines, the shortest of twenty-nine lines. They were originally copied for Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria from about 669 to 625 B.C., and were stored in the royal library at Nineveh; many of them contain his name and the colophon which it was customary toinscribe on works copied or composed for his collection. The tablets are formed of fine clay and have been carefully baked, and those that escaped injury at the destruction of Nineveh, and have not suffered from the action of water during their subsequent interment, are still in good preservation.
The principal contents of the tablets consist of prayers and incantations to various deities, which were termed by the Assyrians themselves Prayers of the Lifting of the Hand
. It is not difficult to grasp the signification of this title, for the act of raising the hand is universally regarded as symbolical of invocation of a deity, whether in attestation of an oath, or in offering up prayer and supplication. With the Babylonians and Assyrians the expression to raise the hand
was frequently used by itself in the sense of offering a prayer, and so by a natural transition it came to be employed as a synonym of to pray
, i. e. to utter a prayer
. Sometimes the petition which the suppliant offers is added indirectly, when it is usually introduced by aššu¹ though this is not invariably the case² In other passages the phrase introduces the actual words of the prayer, as at the beginning of the prayer of Nebuchadnezzar to Marduk towards the end of the East India House Inscription³ In accordance with this extension of mea-ning the phrase niš kâti, the lifting of the hand
, is often found in apposition to, or balancing, ikribu, supû, etc., and in many instances it can merely retain the general meaning of prayer
, or supplication
⁴; In the title of the prayers collected in this volume, however, there is no need to divorce the expression from its original meaning; while the phrase was employed to indicate the general character of the composition, we may probably see in it a reference to the actual gesture of raising the hand during the recital of the prayer⁵.
The title was appended to each prayer as a colophon-line together with the name of the deity to whom the prayer was addressed; it is always found following the composition, and is enclosed within two lines ruled on the clay by the scribe:—
The five dots mark the space where the name of the god or goddess is inserted. In the case of