White America, Black Perspective

By J. Louis Hill, PhD

White America, Black Perspective provides honest assessment of some of the nation's most harmful policies since its' lopsided efforts for a free and just society have repeatedly failed.  Two decades into the twenty-first century, the political and social systems of the United States continue wearing away and are in danger of collapsing.  Since the election and failed re-election of Donald Trump, radical right-wing extremists have become more emboldened than ever to destroy what remains of an already fragile and tattered democratic society.  Weaving his own relevant experiences and observations into the overall narrative, the book's author highlights episodes of social injustice, political corruption, and fear-based hate through a collection of summarized perspectives.  The book is just under 300 pages.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Volonte Publishing
• Release date: May 2, 2023
• ISBN: 9798223809821

J. Louis Hill, PhD

J. Louis Hill is a native of Detroit, Michigan where he attended public school and completed undergraduate studies with a Bachelor of Arts in Communications (Electronic Journalism).  He earned a graduate degree (Master of Science in Administrative Leadership), a post-graduate degree (Doctor of Philosophy) in Psychology and added a globally recognized Certified Associate Project Manager designation, among others, to his credentials. As a cultural psychologist and researcher, Hill is focused on analyzing contemporary issues that arise from the American experience.  His published qualitative doctoral research considered the impact of sexual media influences on adolescent girls.  In an unpublished mixed-methods graduate thesis, he studied the 20th-century executive’s role in the 2008 financial crisis.  Consistent with the commitment to cultural study, his first non-fiction book on White America integrates social perspective and limited memoir to highlight the social ills of the nation. Hill has served as an adjunct college professor since 2013, teaching courses in Speech Communication, Business Management, Ethics, and Leadership.  He devoted thirty years to the entertainment industry as Voice and On-Camera Talent, a Writer-Producer-Director, professional camera operator, and video technician.  He also has roots in the news industry as a video journalist and radio news reporter.  Among his professional affiliations are three labor unions including Teamsters, UAW, and IATSE; and memberships in the Project Management Institute (PMI), the American Psychological Association (APA), the Association for Talent Development (ATD), Public Relations Society of America (PRSA), National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ), Society of Professional Journalists (Sigma Delta Chi), and the International Television Association (ITVA).  He is a member of the Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, a 7-year military veteran, and a strong advocate for the humane treatment of animals. 

Book preview

White

America,

Black

Perspective

The fear of diminishing security through

the age of Donald Trump

(a social memoir)

J. Louis Hill, PhD

Copyright © 2023 by J. Louis Hill, PhD

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned,

or distributed in any printed or electronic form, or ne included for information storage without notification to the author and the publisher’s written permission.

First Edition: April 2023

Volontè Publishing

Published in the United States of America

Acknowledgements

At the base and the height of every significant moment where personal acknowledgement is in order, the spiritual intangibility of God and His wisdom is foremost.  It was not until the authoring of this book, however, that I realized His incredible omnipotence - reaching beyond the limited two-dimensional blindness of human beings to make himself perceptible.  Although vision impaired at the time, my mother served as that vehicle to conscious awareness.  The ability to see and absorb her spirit over the first twenty-eight years of my life is highly instrumental in the development of this work.  I will forever be thankful for her wisdom and the character traits that she passed on.  All that I do in life that is good is in her honor. 

Regrettably on the human level, she never learned of the courage and strength instilled in me through her influence.  Spiritually, she can take pride in knowing that it was her inspiration that taught me to keep a hopeful and healthy essence throughout my growth despite the odds.  I am forever grateful.

My friend Ben Dirden is also worthy of dedication.  His insight and heartfelt interest in all my work was most meaningful.  His spirit lives on through the hundreds, if not thousands of people he influenced. To Billy Ray, whose addiction to the printed word was key to this publication, your contribution was invaluable. Finally, to all my most supportive family and friends who have provided inspiration along the way, thank you.

Preface

As an enthusiastic student of political science and history, I have combined behavioral research as a cultural psychologist to produce this book.  It combines memoir with social perspective to create a social memoir that presents a realistic look at the underside of American cultural history.  As a selective memoir, the book highlights statements and noteworthy personal events that are relevant to the condition of social discourse over my lifetime. Interspersing my own firsthand experiences with the broader contexts of history and cultural behavior is ideal for making honest assessments of the nation’s harmful divide.

Social perspective’s broad appeal to a community of conscious readers digs deeper into the American story.  Heavily weighting the social perspective with fragmented memoir has produced a hard-lined thought-provoking examination of the immorally racist interactions and policies of American society. The book’s address of a myriad of topics related to the Black experience in America is an appeal for open-minded consideration as the American story unravels.  This work is not to achieve or maintain any level of political correctness whatsoever and should serve, in part, as support in the case for restitution. 

The book’s reference to White America is an all-encompassing term that reaches beyond racial, social, and economic concerns.  It is directed at all who are a part of the American hypocrisy. Included are members of cultural minorities and lower classes who empower White supremacy ideologies, whether knowing or unknowingly, by supporting its agenda.  It is a harshly candid opinionated work intended to stimulate the human consciousness where the reader can expect straightforward dialogue about the actions and inactions of both Black and White America.

White America, Black Perspective is a rebuke of White privilege and the prejudiced attitudes that are commonly associated.  It attempts to address the fear associated with the insecure feelings of White people holding on to overgrown ideals of supremacy.  To address the issue more accurately, it also acknowledges the presence of similar attitudes and prejudices that Black Americans possess.  The key difference is that Black people’s dispositions and confusion are the direct result of enslavement, racism, violence, murder, disenfranchisement, repressive laws, brainwashing, and misdirection. 

With racist White Americans, on the other hand, the motivation is based on fear and hate. Despite the nation’s horrendous record of criminality, White purists have become emboldened by Trumpism, a term reflecting a new culture of nationalism, to openly represent themselves as White supremacists.  In effect, the Trumpism term is synonymous with fascism.  Criticisms found in this book are, therefore, aimed at them, the new fascists of American society.

The book is not a platform from which political ambition can be satisfied as I have no interest in public legislation.  It is a collection of opinionated perspectives based on facts, realized, or otherwise reported or published over the course of history.  As an Independent, I have taken great care to extensively highlight notable ills of government, especially those of the Republican Party.  These expressions are my own and not a representation of an entire culture. In fact, challenges against the views expressed are anticipated from multiple angles – including from within Black society and especially its upper class.  The intent is to elevate the awareness of all Americans to become concerned for the nation’s survival rather than maintain distorted selfish values.

Over the course of composing this work, the aspect of fear continued to surface as the recurring theme.  As an integral part of the book, ignoring the existence of the fear-induced hate which has become the clear driver of the American narrative would be a mistake. Therefore, a conscious effort to feature this theme throughout is prevalent.

Using a mix of social concerns and personal reflection in assessing the ultimate future of the nation, the book is not scholarly research, but an opinionated perspective based on observation and fact.  The reader should be prepared to accept or challenge any assertions made regarding the patterns of behavior and practices of a duplicitous and racist society. 

It is impossible to note the countless ills of American society in one work. Thus, the effort concentrates on the most relevant topic areas. The reader can expect criticisms of the United States’ wickedly discriminatory policies. This work not only offers insight into the country’s racist history, but it also provides focus on events and people responsible for the destruction of the principles of freedom.  Finally, in combining data with factual accounts, White America, Black Perspective assesses the historical record to reach a conclusion on the prognosis of the nation’s future.

CHAPTER ONE

Setting the Framework

After eight years of President Barack Obama, the GOP had achieved its objective of luring voters away from Democratic leadership. As is often the case in the increasingly ineffective two-party political system, the fickleness of the American voter was, once again, stirred by the regular diet of political misdirection.  For a large contingent of voters, however, the idea of a Black man and his family occupying the White House was always subject to disfavor.  Before President Obama’s second term could end, an unlikely figure emerged and implanted his distorted values within the unwelcome arms of the GOP. 

Reality television host and presidential candidate Donald Trump’s foolish behavior and blatant lies would unpredictably seize the party’s voting constituency. The unprincipled opportunist and known business shyster was able to carry enough key states to win the presidency in 2016 despite losing the popular vote. His run for the office would be as disreputable as his unscrupulous business practices.

Donald Trump had, for White people of his kind, become the chosen one. But a Trump victory over the more popular establishment candidate Hillary Clinton, former Secretary of State and his 2016 Democratic opponent, was unexpected, although there was a distaste for her political demeanor.  Meanwhile, Trump began amassing a following of what Clinton referred to as a basket of deplorables, a comment I assessed as honest and accurate.  Although the statement may have added to her lack of popularity among the undecided, she remained heavily favored.

The deplorable nature of Trump followers epitomize the bottom-feeding Republicans they have elected to serve in Washington. But the Clinton campaign failed on at least two fronts. First, the campaign failed to seriously read the barometer of Red and Purple (swing) states.  Over confidence caused her to rest on her laurels and underestimate the need for campaign stops where it would matter. Second, the Democratic Party failed Clinton with a lackadaisical approach to stimulating voter turnout. These were two contributing factors to Clinton’s surprising defeat.

With a Trump victory in hand, those elected Republican officials who once reviled him, suddenly were in accord with his bigoted and xenophobic rhetoric and behavior. The 360-degree about face was not surprising, however. The party had already demonstrated its disdain for liberals, non-White, and Jewish Americans. The difference this time was that Trump released an energy among their constituents making it acceptable to exit the closet. Sorrowful politicians such as Senator Lyndsay Graham, former U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions, Senator Mitch McConnell, and an extensive list of others were in the habit of political posturing. Their practice of two-faced politics was no longer necessary. 

In the backs of racist White people’s minds who, until Trump, had remained silent and concealed, was the mistaken belief that the time was ripe for the restoration of Jim Crow.  The deep-seated hatred toward Black people, demonstrated in the contentious eight years against the Obama administration by Republicans, was absolute. But it was Trumpism that emboldened his followers to show allegiance to the ideals of White supremacy. For the first time and by their own hands, White people across the country eagerly snatched the metaphorical hood from their heads leaving them exposed as proud racists. For these pockets of fanatics, there would be no more hiding as White supremacists enthusiastically identified themselves as supporters of a movement.  It was time to take over America.

After four years of scandal and treasonous activity, Trump lost his reelection effort. On January 6, 2021, the date set for Congress to affirm the election results, a Trump-inspired majority-White angry mob stormed the Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. to overthrow federal government. A racially based call to arms imbedded in the Trump political slogan Make America Great Again, (MAGA) was established early on.  

The criminal actions on the part of the thousands of people who stormed the capitol building, the president, and Republican lawmakers and officials, demonstrated the depth to which America has lowered itself. To borrow from Malcolm X, the development may have been the chickens coming home to roost.  The system created by White men for the sake of White people was now conflicted and challenging itself.

The insurgence resulted in a failed coup which came in the aftermath of an unrealized dream and the fear-based belief that White people are losing control of what they had come to claim as their land. This belief, founded in Replacement Theory, the idea of a targeted conspiracy to eradicate the White race from the American landscape, has created a new bonding through the beckoning of White nationalists.  In real time, vile factions of America continue to double down on hate-filled rhetoric and disrespectful treatment of Black and brown-skinned people.  The government’s lack of effort to eliminate the problem through law enforcement and judicial channels is clear representation of an ongoing belief of White privilege and all its associated evils.  Trump began stimulating the roots of the GOP well before his decision to run for the highest office in the land by using a tactic of chronic lies and deception.  To this end, a bold new truth among conservative, White-led Republicans, has revealed itself, erasing any doubt about the party’s true character. 

Certainly, on the minds of these Whites has been the steady yet incremental progress made by minority groups. The advancement of Black people over all sectors has worn away the fabric woven into the nation’s original character – all [White] men are created equal.  The radical Right of America has become increasingly fearful about the uncertainty of its future and are fully committed to challenging the notion of Replacement Theory.  

As the events of January 6th unfolded, I wondered why the uprising was not more aggressively handled, in the same way it would, had the mob been comprised of an even mixture of Black people.  But on that day, with the fear of losing their country as an excuse, the angry White mob would be induced to become fearless. The outgoing president, Trump, had empowered them to act on behalf of White supremacy.  The inspiration to burn the proverbial bridge was spawned centuries earlier and culminated during the Obama presidency. Years of hate provided the accelerants, and Donald Trump provided the flame.  

The resurgence of nationalism stirred by Trump’s call to make the country great, again, found Whites exposing their true selves to neighbors, entire communities, and employers across the nation.  They have become more prideful at displaying the American flag in their front yards and on the back of their pickup trucks.  The stars and stripes appear to have become the symbol of a new republic, serving as a stand-in for the stars and bars and the swastika and the blatantly negative messages they convey.

One Saturday morning, a golf group in which I am a part, scheduled to play a course in Macomb County, Michigan, one of the state’s unmistakably racist counties. The course was located within a housing community certainly dominated by Whites.  I reached this conclusion because of where it was, but also due to the unbelievable numbers of notably oversized American flags displayed in the front yards.  Each flag looked to be over one hundred square feet in size. It was an amazing sight and was the first time I had ever witnessed such an exhibition.  At this point, I have been playing golf for over twenty-five years and have never, ever seen a similar demonstration.

It does not take a scientist to realize the underlined theme and implications of the well-coordinated show of support for White power. The front yards of every home in the area adorned by equal sized flags, at equal height, waving boldly, as though they were bulk ordered. The message was clear, at least to me.  We are White, we are Republican, and are united behind the movement. 

Beneath the surface of these extreme actions, however, may signal that at least some are not fully comfortable removing their hoods.  Choosing, as a safe measure, to instead blend in while hiding behind the right to raise the American flag.  So, in case they need an out, they can always claim patriotism.  But as with the mob of insurrectionists, extremist Whites had become so well entrenched in the supremacy movement that they were willing to boldly proclaim themselves Trumpists, another way to describe blatant racists and fools.  In lowering their guards, they have burned their bridges in letting everyone know where they stand.

Fear

Fear comes in an unlimited assortment of associated anxieties and has two arguable sides – that which is either justifiable or unjustifiable. Exploring dark alleys at night, a soldier’s nightmare of dying in battle, exploring a haunted house, parachuting from a plane for the first time, and even the fear of failure, are all commonly associated with the human experience.  But for the White supremacists, many of whom are politicians, it is the fear of diminishing security.  In simpler terms, it is what President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR) warned about, the fear of fear.

Among White people, the fear of diminishing security results from the prolonged hyperextension of undue privilege.  Removing the real or imagined protective layers of security leaves those who rely upon it feeling exposed and insecure.  The uncertainty of an outcome creates apprehension, concern, and fear. But the concern is not unique to Whites, as Blacks, Hispanics, and others are challenged by the same fear albeit for reasons certainly unrelated to threatened privilege. The reactions to this kind of disabling fear can vary, causing some to become aloof to protect against loss, while others may be inspired to burn their bridges for gain.

Burning one’s bridges for a just cause is vastly different from doing so under false pretenses and, either way, is not a popular strategy for most people.  Thus, as with fear, it too is either justified or unjustified. Choosing this approach is commonly associated with the brave as well as the foolish.  It is an action which leaves no other choice but to win.  In the case of the January 6th insurrectionists, against tremendous odds the task was always insurmountable.  The proverbial burning of bridges can only be advantageous when the parameters of justification are clear and well-defined.  This was not the case on January 6th when the massive crowd acted on impulse, misdirection, religious beliefs, and on the whims of a narcistic idiot.

Reflecting on Napoleon Hill’s bestseller Think and Grow Rich, I have long eliminated the handicaps of fear and uncertainty in my own life.  In his book, Hill describes an impending battle where an army of soldiers needed to cross a bridge to engage the enemy.  After crossing, its commander ordered the bridge burned and destroyed.  Concerned, a junior officer warned that if they were to burn the bridge, there would be no way for the troops to escape if it became necessary - to which the commander calmly responded. Exactly (paraphrased)!

After mental massaging by unfounded accusations and alternative facts, the fear of uncertainty drove the rioters on January 6, 2021, to rage in a siege that never had a chance of success.  From a religious perspective, the mob reacted based on its false beliefs that the righteousness of an evangelical God was on their side. This is the same kind of rationale used by the Confederate South during the Civil War. 

Fear and provocation based on a belief that freedom is in jeopardy is a tactic used by world leaders for centuries. The world’s most dangerous narcissists have taken advantage of a weak and well-indoctrinated people for just as long.  Adolf Hitler used it over Nazi Germany to his advantage and almost got away with it. The visions of the Nazi madman cost millions of lives during his reign. 

On a personal level, and on the side of righteousness, I have never been afraid to burn unnecessary bridges although my actions were usually well calculated if, and/or when the need arose. Traditional wisdom argues against burning one’s bridges even when justified. This fear-induced mindset instills the practice of following the path of least resistance, preparing to settle, if not to lose.  Reserved for the bulk of humanity, is the need for at least a general certainty of security. 

In the spirit of burning bridges and the usual associated fears that accompany it relative to my own life, I have always been defiantly confident and fearless.  For me, Hill’s parable is more about the strength of conquering fear than it is about cutting off one’s pathway for retreat. What the battle commander clearly understood in the story is that common people do not elevate themselves to higher consciousness until confronted with a situation that makes it necessary.  Interestingly, those on either side of honor, morality, or whatever you want to call it, believe they are on the right side of history.  This was invariably the case on January 6, 2021.  The mob that attacked the capitol are guilty of the act itself, but also of continuously subscribing to the indoctrinating principles of extremism.

Activists, starving artists, and even mountain climbers represent a form of the extraordinary.  They are brave enough to proceed forward in the unflattering light of uncertainty.  The late human rights activist Mahatma Gandhi is part of a rare group of fearless souls who give value to worthy causes and often expect to die as a result. If one embraces death as an expected outcome upon applying a bold conviction to a dangerous or uncertain situation, he just may find himself on the side of victory as did the storied army described by Napoleon Hill. Early 19th-century philosopher, educator, abolitionist, and House member, Horace Mann famously remarked Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity. His words, in part, have come to summarize my own life’s mission.  Many people fear death, they fear failure, and even fear success.  One must be willing to burn the bridges leading to safety and security when deciding to uphold the pillars of righteousness.

There is a close relationship between burning bridges and a burning desire. For my own purposes, these are interchangeable terms. When the troops in Hill’s story saw the bridge burning with full awareness of the potential consequences, victory assuredly became the dominant image.  Suddenly, each individual soldier, some for the first time in their lives, discovered the internal drive ignited by the burning desire to survive.  They found the will to live.  In the soldiers’ scenario, the inspiration was externally based, for me, the motivation has always come from within. 

Barring a reckless disregard for common sense and survival throughout my life I have always taken the road less traveled.  Although not easy, it has never been a concern as my strongest beliefs align with spiritual order. Thus, I have always been willing to, as necessary, burn my bridges as inspiration to advance my most enthusiastic values.  It is, therefore, such a scenario at play with the thoughtful composition of this book. Despite the potential fallout from the publishing of this work, it remains uncompromised in its presentation of truth and honesty. 

Over the years, I have learned to embrace rebuttal, criticism, and intellectual rebuff as expected and welcome challenges to overcome. Taking a firm stand when facing adversity requires a principle-centered uncompromised integrity. People commonly fail to establish sound principles or standards that hold them accountable for their own actions and inactions.  Fear forces the timid to surrender to the habit-formed substitution of complacency and complicity for that of courage.

The confident freedom of spirit and expression in completing this work has already captured for me an otherwise elusive victory.  Similar principles are at play for those who choose to take a stand over an issue.  Believing in a cause is one thing but having the mental fortitude to keep personal honor while following the golden rule are rare commodities for most people regardless of race or ethnicity.

CHAPTER TWO

The Evolution of the White American

Racist attitudes have fully matured in America since its earliest years as hate and beliefs of White supremacy have continued to emerge. To understand this from a Black perspective, if only in part, it is imperative to explore the American evolution . An important area of discussion since its focus forms the basis for America’s false sense of security and the developments that now challenge it.

It started in Jamestown, Virginia in the early settlements along the eastern seaboard, and one of the most notorious ports of slave entry, Charleston, South Carolina. The east coast of the New World in North America represents ground zero for the hatred of all classes of people who are non-White or Jewish. This contention has since grown to encompass prejudices and atrocities that may not have been imaginable in the early course of the nation’s history. The following summarized discussion helps explain the evolution of the White American.

Beyond the sea’s horizon

It should not be surprising that all White people with European ancestry in America are not direct descendants of nobles and royalty.  Many Brits commissioned by the king to travel to the new world were not only common, but they also did not share the same enthusiasm as others about an oceanic voyage across the Atlantic. Future colonists who made the journey consisted of a variety of souls from wealthy backgrounds, the sanctioned, and indentured servants. Some who were selected as laborers were young men and women whose fathers arranged their journeys to serve the king. Others were paupers looking for a better life than the only one they had known.

The hopeful colonists’ previous lifestyles in England by 1600 as the underclass of English society were nothing to be desired. They were among the outcasts of poor people who not only wanted better, but they too desired the lifestyle of the elite and wanted to experience dignity and respect.  Under the Poor Relief Act of 1601 (Elizabethan Poor Act), those among the poor, unable to pay taxes and debts, were further humiliated by the requirement to wear badges identifying them as on welfare.  Even worse, beginning as early as the 14th century, some were locked away in debtor’s prisons, sometimes for years, until their families could pay the debt.  In early America, as colonists orchestrated the building of society, they would begin a process of living by new sets of rules.  In the meantime, still under British control, the monarch’s policies would apply to its operation in the new world. 

Much of the back story to the early pre-American experience started in the colony of Virginia. In his book American Slavery, American Freedom, author Edmond Morgan notes that the failed effort by Sir Walter Raleigh at Roanoke in 1585 only re-energized efforts to expand the British empire. In 1606, England’s King James I granted a charter for the colonization of America, again targeting the Virginia area. Seventeenth-century British imperialists were inspired to dutifully support the crown and were proud to make the journey.  But not all of those at the top of the food chain, already enjoying the fruits of social order, were passionate about the idea.  Leaving their homes to endure the rough and uncertain trip across the broad expanse of the ocean waters was a gamble. The underclass, however, did see opportunity knocking.  They recognized this as a chance to change their fate and to someday take part in the ruling of a new society.  With a mix of reluctance and passion, a small contingent of British, barely over one hundred of them, created the first settlement in North America at Jamestown in 1607, named in honor of the king.

Coming from poor backgrounds, the voyagers were hopeful and embraced the idea of someday living with the luxury of personal servants rather than under a condition of servitude.  For the moment, they would be expected to provide the labor necessary to establish the new ground.  In a later expedition in 1620, English voyagers would include a small group of Puritan Separatists along with seculars who boarded the Mayflower for the long journey across the Atlantic. Due to violent storms and dangerous shoals, the Pilgrims were prevented from reaching their Northern Virginia (New York today) destination, so landed over 500 miles north instead at what was named Plymouth Rock (Massachusetts).

Back at Jamestown, inhabitants would have to contend with the Native Americans already living in the area, the Powhatan Confederacy.  The colonists were familiar with the tribe from previous dealings and war.  The two sides had already battled in the first Anglo-Powhatan War (1609-1614).

Because members of the ruling class or their sanctioned representatives were few in numbers, and they along with the rest became lazy, sickened by disease, or otherwise unwilling to perform the grueling labor required to maintain the settlement, England would need more manpower.  The slave trade, as an industry, began in 1619 as African profiteers collaborated with the Portuguese, Dutch, and other world powers to effectuate the industry and exploit Africans as a trading commodity. With less than two dozen Africans brought to Jamestown the same year, the English recognized that with the help of the profiteers, the warring tribes could be exploited to sell out other Africans.  In short order, the slave trade not only addressed the labor problem, but it also became a profitable measure for improving lifestyle. 

Slavery in general as it relates to the American experience evokes images of shiploads of Africans kidnapped and transported thousands of miles across the Atlantic Ocean to a distant land. The picture gets worse with the degrading actions of their White masters working in concert to crush the hopeful spirit of rescue, escape, and freedom.  But in the earliest years of the trade, prejudiced attitudes among Whites toward free Blacks, most derived from mixed cultures, were not as fervent.  In South America, a very different relationship with Africans was developing.

With strategic interest in controlling the