The Real Tax Burden: More Than Dollars and Cents
By Alan D. Viard and Alex M. Brill
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About this ebook
Alan D. Viard
Alan D. Viard is a senior fellow emeritus at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies federal tax and budget policy.
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The Real Tax Burden - Alan D. Viard
When people discuss taxes, it is often to complain about them. In these discussions, the tax burden one faces is almost always assumed to be the dollars and cents paid to the government. This limited focus on tax payments threatens to obscure what many economists consider the real tax burden, which they refer to as the excess burden of taxation.
Although tax payments are burdensome to taxpayers, they provide revenue to the government, which can use them to provide benefits and services that offset the burden (if the benefits and services are provided effectively and lie within government’s legitimate role). In contrast, the excess burden discussed in this book is pure waste that provides no revenue to the government. As we explain in the upcoming pages, excess burden arises when taxes interfere with the taxpayer’s freedom to choose his or her preferred behavior. This interference with freedom is the real tax burden, more than the dollars and cents paid to the government.
This chapter provides an introduction to excess burden, the central concept of this book. As we explain, excess burden measures the extent to which a tax interferes with the taxpayer’s freedom to choose his or her preferred behavior. Popular discussions of tax policy often focus on the obvious burden of taxation: the amount of taxes people pay. But excess burden arises when behavior changes in a way that causes taxes to not be paid. Excess burden is, in many ways, the real tax burden.
Our ultimate goal is to look at the excess burden of the actual U.S. tax system and how the tax system can be changed to reduce excess burden. We approach this topic in stages. We begin in this chapter by considering the excess burden of a simple hypothetical tax, a tax on soda. In chapter 2, we explain the kinds of excess burden that generally arise from wage, income, and consumption taxes. In chapters 3 through 5, we apply this analysis to the wage and income taxes actually imposed by the federal government and discuss improvements that could be made within those tax systems. In chapter 6, we discuss a more fundamental reform, the partial or complete replacement of income taxation by consumption taxation, which could further reduce excess burden by ending tax penalties on saving.
EXCESS BURDEN OF A SODA TAX
Although we use a soda tax as our initial example, the type of product is not important. The same principles apply to a tax on any other product, or, as we will discuss in chapter 2, to wage, income, and consumption taxes.
Suppose that producers can supply an unlimited amount of soda at a cost of $10 per carton, where the cost includes the minimum profit sufficient to attract capital to the soda industry. Assuming competitive markets, each carton of soda is sold to consumers for $10, in the absence of any taxes on soda. Suppose that, at this price, 100 cartons of soda are produced and sold.
The production of these 100 cartons is mutually beneficial to consumers and producers. (We assume that the production of soda does not cause pollution or otherwise affect third parties.) Producers—workers, owners of capital, and others involved in the production process—are willing to produce each of these cartons in exchange for a $10 payment. Consumers place a value of at least $10 on each carton, as shown by their willingness to pay that amount to acquire it. Additional cartons of soda are not produced, because they do not provide mutual benefit to consumers and producers. Although a 101st carton could be produced at a cost of $10, no consumer is willing to pay that price for another carton. While the additional carton would have some value to consumers, the value is not great enough to make it worthwhile for producers to supply it. The market reaches an efficient outcome, as all production that is mutually beneficial for consumers and producers takes place and no other production takes place. In short, the market achieves all of the potential gains from free exchange.
Introducing a tax on soda changes this benign picture by creating an excess burden. Suppose that a $2-per-carton tax is imposed on soda, causing the price to rise to $12.
At this higher price, consumers purchase fewer cartons of soda. Each of the 100 cartons previously purchased must be worth at least $10 to consumers, because consumers purchased them at the $10 price. Not all of them are worth $12 or more, though. Suppose that, at the $12 price, consumers purchase only 90 cartons of soda. In that case, each of the 91st through the 100th cartons must be worth between $10 and $12 to consumers; consumers purchased them when the price was $10, but not when the price was $12.
To understand the full effects of the tax, it is necessary to look both at the 90 cartons that are still produced with the $2 tax in place and at the 10 cartons that are no longer produced with the tax, but were produced when the tax did not exist. As we explain below, the excess burden arises from the impact on the latter 10 cartons. But we first consider the 90 cartons that are still produced and purchased.
For each of these 90 cartons, the gains from free exchange between consumers and producers are still attained. That is certainly good news, as each of these cartons has a value to consumers of $12 or more, and each costs only $10 to produce. Producers continue to receive a net payment of $10 for each of the 90 cartons, while consumers now pay $12 for each of them, including $2 that goes to the government. The tax raises $180