Media and the Cold War in the 1980s: Between Star Wars and Glasnost

By Martin Klimke

The Cold War was a media phenomenon. It was a daily cultural political struggle for the hearts and minds of ordinary people—and for government leaders, a struggle to undermine their enemies’ ability to control the domestic public sphere. This collection examines how this struggle played out on screen, radio, and in print from the late 1970s through the early 1990s, a time when breaking news stories such as Ronald Reagan’s “Star Wars” program and Mikhail Gorbachev’s policy of glasnost captured the world’s attention. Ranging from the United States to the Soviet Union and China, these essays cover photojournalism on both sides of the Iron Curtain, Polish punk, Norwegian film, Soviet magazines, and more, concluding with a contribution from Stuart Franklin, one of the creators of the iconic “Tank Man” image during the Tiananmen Square protests. By investigating an array of media actors and networks, as well as narrative and visual frames on a local and transnational level, this volume laysthe groundwork for writing media into the history of the late Cold War.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Release date: Nov 8, 2018
• ISBN: 9783319983820

Book preview

© The Author(s) 2019

Henrik G. Bastiansen, Martin Klimke and Rolf Werenskjold (eds.)Media and the Cold War in the 1980sPalgrave Studies in the History of the Mediahttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98382-0_1

1. Introduction: Mapping the Role of the Media in the Late Cold War

Methodological and Transnational Perspectives

Henrik G. Bastiansen¹  , Martin Klimke²   and Rolf Werenskjold³  

(1)

Volda University College, Volda, Norway

(2)

New York University Abu Dhabi, Abu Dhabi, UAE

(3)

Faculty of Media and Journalism, Volda University College, Volda, Norway

Henrik G. Bastiansen (Corresponding author)

Email: [e-mail]

Martin Klimke

Email: [e-mail]

Rolf Werenskjold

Email: [e-mail]

When East German party official Guenter Schabowsky convened a press conference on 9 November 1989, little did he know that his actions at this somewhat routine briefing would initiate a chain of events leading to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, thereby fundamentally and irrevocably dissolving the geopolitical landscape of the Cold War. Schabowsky’s appearance in front of the domestic and international press corps took place in the midst of fundamental changes in the Eastern bloc occurring that year: Soviet troop withdrawals from Czechoslovakia (February) and Hungary (April), the Hungarian government’s decision to lift the Iron Curtain along its border with Austria (May), the election of the first noncommunist government in Poland (August), and the endorsement of the right of self-determination by the Warsaw Pact members (October), which effectively made the Brezhnev doctrine obsolete. Schabowsky’s task as secretary of information and representative of the East German Politburo during that press conference in November was to report on the tenth meeting of the Central Committee of East German’s Socialist Unity Party (SED) and to provide an update on existing plans of the new travel regulations that were to be officially announced the day after, so that border guards could be sufficiently instructed in advance. However, in response to a question by the Italian journalist Riccardo Ehrman about the new travel regulations, Schabowsky uttered these fateful words: We have decided to create a regulation today which will allow every citizen of the GDR to cross any border crossing point. When asked when these new regulations would take effect, he was clearly thrown off guard, stammering that [a]ccording to my information, this is [to take effect] right now, immediately. His announcement became an instant international newsflash, leading the Associated Press to report GDR opens borders at 7:05 p.m. and the Federal Republic’s German Press Agency to follow up with a similar statement, The East German border to the Federal Republic and West Berlin is open. As a result, thousands of East German citizens headed to the border crossings, where they encountered border guards who were completely uninformed and ill-prepared to deal with the situation. At 11:30 p.m. the guards finally gave way to the people’s demands, thereby initiating the final chapter of the state’s existence. ¹

Schabowsky’s handling of the media in the fall of 1989 had significant repercussions for the subsequent course of events. In recent years, the major economic, political, and cultural changes in societies during the last two decades of the Cold War have come into greater focus for academics from a variety of disciplines and countries. ² This volume examines the role of the media during the late part of the Cold War—from the mid-1970s until the end of the 1980s—before the fall of the Berlin Wall and collapse of the Soviet Union. It explores the engagement of various forms of media with the Cold War, including alternative media representations, performances, and culture during these years. Media and the Cold War in the 1980s seeks to analyze media actors and networks and explores the political impact of the media, including narrative and visual frames, on a local and (trans-)national level. The purpose is to illuminate the complex interrelations between the media—both as a dependent and independent variable—and competing political, economic, and cultural elites, as well as explain the role of grassroots politics in the formation of public opinion.

The subtitle of this book, Between Star Wars and Glasnost, suggests the mindset of the late Cold War’s key players and the cultures within which they operated. The words star wars conjure up specific associations for readers familiar with Western culture and politics. Most may primarily think of the outstanding films of George Lucas: Star Wars (1977), The Empire Strikes Back (1980), and Return of the Jedi (1983). The films were screened at cinemas all over the world throughout the following decades. Equally important, from early on the title of Lucas’s franchise was used to denote President Ronald Reagan’s plans for a Strategic Defense Initiative program. The program was officially shortened to SDI, but unofficially referred to as Reagan’s Star Wars program. ³ Thus, the popular feature films about future star wars were linked to the discussions about the US presidential SDI program in the early 1980s. Similarly, glasnost (the Russian word for openness) carries strong cultural associations. It primarily refers to Mikhail Gorbachev and his reform policy in the Soviet Union after 1985, which he initiated as Secretary General of the Soviet Communist Party. He linked his policy to his ideas of perestroika, the restructuring of Soviet economy and production, and his new thinking about the Soviet Union’s relations with the rest of the world (McNair 1991).

The title also delineates the time period addressed by this book: the 1980s, or—more precisely—from the late 1970s to the end of the 1980s. The Star Wars films, the SDI program, and glasnost all belong to the same era in international history: the last decade and the last phase of the Cold War, which had dominated international politics since 1945, and which has only recently come under the scrutiny of Cold War historiography. ⁴ In this book, we will point to the importance of writing the media into the Cold War history of the 1980s.

As Nicholas Cull has argued, [T]he cultural Cold War has emerged as a major concern of international history. The literature, film, and broadcasting of the Cold War period is at last being understood by historians, as it was by protagonists, not only as a product of the politics of that era but also as a front in the Cold War as real as that which divided Berlin, bisected Korea, or ran through the straits of Miami (Cull 2010). Despite a significant amount of literature on Cold War culture, cultural diplomacy, as well as propaganda, historians have often neglected to systematically incorporate concepts of media and communications infrastructure, means and modes of dissemination, as well as their impact among various domestic and foreign audiences, in their work, all too often relying on rather static descriptions and explanatory frameworks. ⁵ Scholarly analysis of the Cold War has only to a limited extent been concerned with the structural role the media played in international affairs during the second half of the twentieth century. Even though most Cold War historians would argue that the media was important—and media outlets under government influence, such as Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, or Radio Moscow have become the objects of intense academic and journalistic scrutiny—media has often been mentioned just in passing as part of a general explanation of phenomena that cannot be explained easily, such as changes in public opinion. ⁶ The relative paucity of literature devoted to the subject indicates that the significance of the media during the Cold War has been underestimated, despite the fact that the Cold War was fought almost daily using the media—in newspaper columns, on radio, in cinema, and on television. The Cold War was indeed a media phenomenon in its own right—a cultural political struggle about the hearts and minds of ordinary people—and, as for the government leaders, it was meant to undermine each other’s ability to control the domestic public sphere. Studying the role of media and communication during this period thus does not only open a window onto the Cold War. It also provides crucial insights into the utilization of media and communication systems and products as a political tool on a domestic and international level.

The Cold War affected the daily lives of millions of people in several parts of the world. Many experienced the Cold War and its events only through the mass media. It was primarily through the press, radio, and television that they stayed informed, with news coverage having perhaps the most pervasive effect in countries around the world. However, there were significant differences in how the Cold War events were perceived across the world and how they were framed by the media—whether in Washington or Moscow, in Stockholm or Berlin, or in the capital of a developing country (Nordenstreng and Varis 1974; MacBride et al. 1984). In each case, ordinary people had to deal with the news coverage that was available to them via the respective infrastructure they had access to. In theaters as well, the audiences—both in the East and West—saw films that portrayed the Cold War quite differently (Shaw and Youngblood 2010). The same was true of television programs. At the same time, we know that the period 1945–1991 was the era when modern mass communications evolved at an unprecedented pace. By 1945 the print press was active in most countries, Hollywood films dominated in theaters throughout most of the world, radio stations were found in all populated regions and played an especially important role in the developing world. And, above all, television came into many Western middle-class households during the 1950s and quickly expanded throughout the world, especially with the advent of television satellites in the 1960s (Chapman 2005). During the 1970s and 1980s, the world became increasingly connected by modern mass media, and the whole world was literally watching the interaction of the superpowers. Through the media, the lives of ordinary people became directly and indirectly influenced by the Cold War (Commission on Freedom of the Press 1947; Glander 2000; Baran and Davis 2009).

This book highlights the role and importance of the media in the last decade of the Cold War. Our main theme is the media itself—as both an arena and an actor. Analyses of the media’s role in this era provide new knowledge and different perspectives compared to those focused on the first phase of the Cold War. In this book, the contributions are geographically limited to the classic East-West axis during the Cold War: the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union, and a Europe divided by the so-called Iron Curtain between the east and west. The contributions address a number of topics that will greatly benefit from more research in the future. They furthermore illustrate the need to diversify methodological and geographical approaches to studying the role of the media during the Cold War, incorporating a whole range of media in different countries, including non-Western ones, as well as considering a transnational dimension. Although still very limited in scope, the thirteen articles in this book can be viewed as a first step toward establishing a more comprehensive as well as transnational way of studying the media in the last decade of the Cold War—one that expands the reach beyond a Western/Eurocentric focus of Europe and paves the way for a perspective that transcends traditional East-West dichotomies.

There are still no studies of the Cold War that offer an overall perspective on the role of the media, which would include more than one country or region (Whitfield 1996). In the earliest phase of the Cold War, newspapers were an important factor contributing to the creation of the Cold War culture, especially the quest during the McCarthy era to rout out communists in the United States. Researchers have published widely on the role of the media in the United States during the Cold War, but without any systematic consideration of different categories within which the two-way relationship between the media and the Cold War played out—for example, in relation to the political decision level, opinion formation, and the cultural dimension, and in terms of their impact. ⁷ The literature almost always discusses only one medium: the print press, film, radio, or television, one by one in isolation—without necessarily seeing them in a broader multimedia context. ⁸ However, there are some comparative studies of a medium on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Shaw and Youngblood’s book from 2010 on Cold War movie production is one such example. The book addresses the main trends in American and Soviet films and covers the entire period from 1945 until the end of the Cold War.

As for the 1980s, it is still the case that the various means of communication have not been addressed proportionally to their actual significance during this time. There are single studies that put the spotlight on either the United States and American media or on other individual countries and their respective media. ⁹ Media and the Cold War in the 1980s points to the need for a much broader understanding of the role of the media, approaching the Cold War’s last decade, throughout the media field and in several countries simultaneously. That is the novelty of this book. The contributions thus span many media and many different countries with historically different media systems and political regimes (Siebert 1956; Hallin and Mancini 2004, 2011). The book also develops perspectives in recent studies of the Nordic media during the Cold War (Bastiansen and Werenskjold 2015).

We have organized the thirteen different contributions in this book so that they geographically follow the East-West axis during the Cold War; from the United States in the West, through both sides of the Iron Curtain in Europe, to the Soviet Union and China in the East. The division thus follows the main axis of the Cold War. With few exceptions, the debate about the end of the Cold War in the years 1989–1991 and the collapse of communism itself are largely omitted in this book. Most articles are about topics before 1989.

We begin with an essay by William Knoblauch, who highlights the media dimensions of US President Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). Knoblauch explores both the High Frontier media campaign spearheaded by retired General Daniel Graham on behalf of SDI, as well as the Union of Concerned Scientists’ anti-SDI campaign and their utilization of celebrities, TV commercials, documentaries, and mass-market paperbacks, as well as sweepstakes, to disseminate their respective messages. He describes how the Strategic Defense Initiative Organization (SDIO), directed by the Department of Defense, was launched in the midst of this battle for public support for SDI to promote this new defense system among the Congressional Budget Office, lawmakers, the media, as well as the general public.

Laura Saarenmaa discusses how the Cold War was portrayed through interviews in the American men’s magazine Playboy, best known for its photos of nude females. It has always stood outside the traditional media used for Cold War analyses. Nevertheless, Saarenmaa shows that Playboy actually can be seen in a Cold War perspective: in the early 1960s, the magazine developed an innovative interview format that provided room for both American and international opponents of the US government during the Cold War to explain their criticism of its foreign policy. Saarenmaa points out that Playboy had a critical perspective on American foreign policy throughout the 1980s and that the magazine questioned simple Cold War narratives. Thus, in this investigation of Playboy’s foreign policy interviews, Saarenmaa expands the analysis of American media during the Cold War to include men’s magazines, which could be viewed as belonging to an alternative public sphere, apart from the established news media.

Klaus Dodds and Lisa Funnell explore the James Bond movies during the period 1974–1987, with an eye toward geopolitical and geophysical metaphors and representations. Their reading of the Bond movies underlines the Cold War dynamics and developments embodied in these films, and focuses on the ways in which natural elements, resources, and the atmosphere itself are characterized as geo- as well as bio-political factors in the films’ audio-visual representations. Dodds and Funnell meticulously examine how the low tension through the détente period is featured prominently in the franchise during the Roger Moore era as James Bond, before giving way to more personalized and uncertain geopolitical conditions during the late 1980s, when Timothy Dalton became Moore’s successor.

Tobias Hochscherf investigates the production history and impact of the popular and highly successful East German mini-series Treffpunkt Flughafen (Meeting Point Airport, 1986), a co-production with the Cuban state broadcasting network. Hochscherf illuminates the institutional challenges involved in this broad-based effort to internationalize programing in the GDR, for example, by shooting the series in friendly socialist countries, such as Cuba, the Soviet Union, Vietnam, and Africa. Hochscherf not only shows how the programs offered a form of transnational escapism to an East German audience, largely constrained by travel restrictions in their country; but he also highlights the ways in which the producers aimed to underscore the ideological superiority of the socialist world in contrast to Western values through the accessible format of mass-entertainment television.

Annette Vowinckel provides closer insight into the system of East German photojournalism, illuminating the various ways in which photographers maintained both personal and professional contacts with Western peers and publishers, thereby transcending the East-West divide. She details how, within the confines of the SED dictatorship of the GDR, photographers used their medium to voice their social and political criticism, had limited access to travel to the West, and were viewed by the East German security service as a negotiable threat.

Anna Piotrowska writes about the role of punk music as a protest channel in Poland in the 1980s. The Polish opposition was by then far more complex than it had been during the 1950s and 1960s, when the authorities were able to stop protests by isolating opposition groups. The opposition in the 1980s, however, consisted of a large and wide alliance among intellectuals, cultural workers, labor, and the influential Catholic Church in Poland. Piotrowska is particularly concerned with how punk bands used irony as a nonviolent instrument in the protest against the communist regime, one that was deliberately used to circumvent the censorship in texts and performances. Punk music communicated with both a small and large audience in that it was understood locally, nationally, and across borders. The protests were directed at the official party-controlled media that portrayed the punk genre as destructive. The Polish authorities also feared the political power that the music could have as a means of communication, and the official media were used in an attempt to pit different youth groups against each other.

Juliane Debeusscher studies the conditions under which unofficial exhibitions took place in Hungary during the 1980s. The opposition in the alternative underground movement put together the exhibitions Hungary Can Be Yours in 1984 and The Fighting City in 1987. They faced strict countermeasures from the Hungarian authorities. The communist regime feared such free and critical cultural expression so much that they did everything to stop these events, including the full dismantling of the exhibitions. However, the exhibitions managed to earn considerable renown—and as a consequence, they both have been seen as important cultural and political expressions against communist-ruled Hungary just before communism’s collapse in Eastern Europe in 1989. In retrospect, it may be hard to comprehend what the initiators actually risked by organizing these exhibits. Debeusscher shows how merciless the communist regime fought against all kinds of cultural expression by the opposition during the years just before 1989 and the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Jan Fredrik Hovden and Rolf Werenskjold focus on foreign-news reporters. Using data from Norway, their work is based on previous studies of a single country’s total foreign news system throughout the Cold War era. They give a collective picture of an entire nation’s network of foreign news correspondents and reporters, analyzing all media forms throughout the period 1945–1991. The purpose is to map and analyze who the foreign correspondents and foreign news reporters were at the time—the ones who reported the Cold War news and were thus responsible for helping to shape public opinion at home and, in many cases, abroad. The authors show that the logic of the Cold War was an integral part of the expansion of the modern network of correspondents in Norway, influencing, for example, the way in which geopolitical hotspots were prioritized thereafter, and requiring greater professional experience on the part of the journalists who covered them.

Bjørn Sørenssen points out that the Cold War was almost completely absent in the film production of small countries like Norway after 1945. However, there was one exception: the film Orions Belte from 1985. In Norway, this film is often seen as an example of implementing Hollywood films’ effective narrative style, with a lot of action and a classic tension curve—which can explain the movie’s big commercial success. The movie is set in the archipelago of Svalbard, an area where all signature nations of the Svalbard Treaty of 1920 have the right to exploit the island’s natural resources. The Soviet Union was operating mines and building its own cities. With Norway as the NATO country sharing a border with the Soviet Union, Svalbard became one of the focal points of the Cold War’s East-West conflict. Sørenssen writes about the film’s literary and political background and analyzes its narrative structure. The film’s connection to the Cold War gives it a major political dimension, which is unusual in Norwegian films. Sørenssen sees Orions Belte as an example of what Justin Watt has called Hollywood’s high-concept films, where the theme of the Cold War provided the impetus for filmmakers from a small country to create a work of fiction on a large scale.

Henrik G. Bastiansen writes about the changes in Norwegian news coverage of the Soviet Union during the period 1985–1988. In 1985, Cold War tensions were at their peak. Four years later, the whole world knew the Russian word glasnost and recognized it as something positive. How the view of the Soviet Union changed is analyzed by exploring the news articles and editorials that appeared during this time in Aftenposten—the Norwegian newspaper with the largest foreign news desk and the most extensive coverage of Eastern Europe—as a case study. The main theme is the newspaper’s reporting of the glasnost policy itself. Bastiansen discusses how the emergence of glasnost before and especially after the Chernobyl accident in 1986 contributed to changing the newspaper’s view of the Soviet Union—and eventually that of journalists throughout the world. Bastiansen points out that experienced journalists with special regional expertise, who had served as foreign news correspondents in Moscow and who mastered the Russian language, excelled at the newspaper.

Sabina Mihelj and Simon Huxtable write about the history boom in the late socialist television era, with data retrieved from the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. They submit data from a huge mapping research project—248 drama series from the Soviet Union and 384 drama series from Yugoslavia—and show new insights about television as a mass medium in the communist world toward the end of the Cold War. As the ideology of a future communist society proved increasingly remote, due to the increasing stagnation of the regime, they find that both countries’ television producers began to change their focus from future visions to historical background. Mihelj and Huxtable have found a formidable growth in historical-drama series, both in Soviet and Yugoslav television. In these two countries, the states’ television producers had begun to devote their efforts to legitimizing the regime in terms of past achievements, instead of promoting the optimism of the future that the communist countries previously had embraced.

Ekaterina Vikulina goes deeper into the visual style of the Soviet regime as projected in their media by analyzing images of Soviet leaders during the Cold War. She detects a significant change in public depictions from Stalin to Khrushchev, from paintings and drawings that embellished the physical features of Stalin to photographs that captured the ordinary, more informal, and relatable Khrushchev. The latter, in contrast to Stalin, was shown in motion, connected to both science, the media, and ordinary people, and was seen smiling and laughing. This democratization and sensualization of power representations were only partially continued under Brezhnev, whose personal representations in the media were overshadowed by an emphasis on the size of the Politburo and the comprehensive state apparatus he oversaw and characterized by a return to static, less emotional, and more staged moments. A shift came about again during Mikhail Gorbachev’s tenure, in which a more dynamic and lively mode of depiction pervaded the media.

Stuart Franklin analyzes in the final essay the iconic dimension of photographs in a given political context, using two images from the Tiananmen Square protest in Beijing in 1989 as his examples: the Goddess of Democracy and the Tank Man. The former, a depiction of a student-built statue inspired by the Statue of Liberty and erected in the courtyard of China’s leading art school, came to represent the democratic aspirations of the student movement as well as the complex political environment it was operating in. The latter, a standoff between a lone protester and an army tank, was advanced as a symbol of freedom and resistance in the face of a totalitarian government. Franklin underscores the intricate ways in which both images were disseminated, how they gained notoriety in the context of television coverage of the event, how their impact differed globally, and how their iconization can prompt us to think more critically about our visual canon of the Cold War.

The contributions in this volume can be considered only a starting point toward an overall transnational and transmedia perspective on the relations between the media and the Cold War. The topic is, of course, very extensive and the field is still new. There are many areas that have not yet been fully explored, whether it be individual media events—covering topics as diverse as the Iran hostage crisis from 1979 to 1981, the shooting down of Korean Airlines flight 007 in September 1983, the Chernobyl nuclear meltdown of April 1986, the illegal landing of a young German pilot on Moscow’s Red Square in May 1987, or the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989—or the impacts of technological innovations, such as satellite television, strategic disinformation campaigns, and so forth.

We also need more knowledge about the role of media in different countries in the last years of the Cold War. It may surprise some readers that we have included three essays from a single country, in this case, Norway. These contributions, however, explore topics that go beyond the geographical location of the country, delving into various facets of how foreign events were depicted at the time, and finding themes that could very well pertain to other countries as well: from the people who reported foreign news, to cinematic work that drew upon Cold War stories, to the evolving coverage of Soviet events in a single news source. Werenskjold and Hovden’s chronological study of the Cold War reporters is a case study pointing to the impact of individual correspondents and foreign-news coverage. Sørenssen’s analysis of an important feature film located in the Svalbard Islands in the Arctic area where Soviet and NATO interests ran up against each other illuminates how cinema in non-English speaking countries utilized the Cold War to produce dramatic narratives with great commercial success. Bastiansen’s study of the changing Soviet news in a Norwegian daily encourages similar study of how glasnost was reported in Western mass media more generally.

Likewise, many of the articles in this book raise questions that have not been systematically studied so far and point to the need for more information and insight. They also suggest topics that researchers focused on other countries might address in the future. More studies of both large and small countries are needed along the East-West axis, as are explorations of the North-South dimension during the Cold War. These topics point far beyond the scope of this book.

Notes

1.

For a detailed chronology of this day’s events, see, for example, Sarotte (2015) or Schabowsky (1994).

2.

For example, see the following: Leffler and Westad (2010, vol. 3), Snyder (2011), Engel (2011, 2017), Kalinovsky and Radchenko (2013), Wilson (2014), Domber (2014), von Plato (2015), Service (2015), Nuti et al. (2015), Klimke et al. (2016), Conze et al. (2017), Savranskya and Blanton (2017), and Taubman (2017).

3.

See the contribution by William Knoblauch in this volume for the origins of the star wars reference in the context of SDI.

4.

For contextualizing the second half of the Cold War in more general historical surveys of it, see, for example, the following: Gaddis (1992), Westad (2000, 2007, 2013, 2017), Hanhimäki and Westad (2003), Leffler (2004), Lundestad (2004, 2010), Leffler and Westad (2010, vol. 3), Loth (2010), Villaume and Westad (2010), Kalinovsky and Daigle (2016), and Fink (2017).

5.

The scholarship on Cold War culture is extensive. For introductions, see Cull (2010), Cull and Mazumdar (2016), and Kozovoi (2016). Representative studies in this area include Hixson (1998), Cull (2008), Belmonte (2010), and Kuznick and Gilbert (2010). See also the works of Jessica Gienow-Hecht and the various volumes that she has edited for the series Explorations in Culture and International History (Berghahn Books).

6.

For radio, see, for example, Cummings (2009), Johnson, (2010), Johnson and Parta (2012), and Schlosser (2015), as well as the Cold War History special issue (13 no. 2 [2013]), Radio Wars: Broadcasting in the Cold War edited by Linda Risso. For an attempt to systematically incorporate media into the study of protest movements, see Fahlenbrach et al. (2014).

7.

See the following: Caute (1978), Aronson (1990), Rojecki (1999), Glander (2000), and Emmons (2010).

8.

See the following: Aronson (1990), MacDonald (1985), Bernhard (1999), Cummings (2009), and Cummings( 2010).

9.

See the following: Salminen and Campling (1999), Hammarlund and Riegert (2011), Petterson (2011), Riegert and Petterson (2011), and Salovaara-Moring and Maunula (2011).

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