Freedom and Dependence, Society in Thailand's History

By Ronin Brennan

The book delves into the overall structure and operation of the society of the Thai people. It covers several political eras, a millennium of history, up to 1957. This is an endless but an important subject -- the society is crucial in the life of the people and in the course of the nation’s history. The Thailand case is rather positive: the rural society has provided a good life. and the upper society has shown a remarkable stability.
The history starts as a community and regional informal rural society in China, spreads into Thailand where it achieves freedom, and becomes a structured vertical society with a separate rural base (in the 1400s). After that, the rural part develops itself gradually as a successful and enjoyable decentralized society, oriented to freedom, coping with government impositions. The urban part spreads out of its official vertical structure in the 1800s (in Bangkok), and eventually a Thai urban private sector (disallowed previously) grows up. The society shows its strength, coping with the blows and the revolution of the 1900s.
It is a lively story with human interest, because the society was built on human nature and emotions (in contrast to China and India). Other aspects discussed include personal vertical links of dependence in official society, the exclusion of independent components of society (pursuits in arts, business, academia, etc.), upper society designed to be high control from the top down but not always succeeding, the effects of having a timeless cosmic construct as the background for society, and the perverse effects of the infusion of European ideas and developments.
Comparisons with China, India and Europe are included. Aiming at brevity, the story still takes 300 pages and 170 references. Hopefully it is useful in graduate studies in sociology. The overall hope is that its analysis may contribute something to constructive discussion of Thailand’s society in the past... and thus to understanding of it at present.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Ronin Brennan
• Release date: Mar 21, 2022
• ISBN: 9781005429874

Ronin Brennan

Ron Brennan worked in social and economic development in Asia and Africa for thirty years, and found these societies fascinating. Spending nine years in Thailand, he came to appreciate the complex society and how it was affected by history. "Freedom and dependence" studies that history.

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Freedom and Dependence

Society in Thailand's History

Ron Brennan

Smashwords Edition

Copyright 2021 by Ronin Brennan

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Published in the United States of America

Table of Contents

Preface

1. Introduction

2. The first stage of Thai history, Nan Zhao

2.1 Thai people in Nan Zhao

2.2 Earlier history in China: background

3. Sukhothai and Chiengmai

3.1 The overall migration: background

3.2 Sukhothai achieves freedom: background

3.3 Society and government

3.4 Epilogue: Background

3.5 The position of the Thais in Nan Zhao

3.6 Chiengmai, another proud state

4. Ayudthia, the development of Siam

4.1 History, 1351 to 1767: background

4.2 Change in society, and in its ideals

4.3 Celestial monarchy, and top officials

4.4 Government administration: background

4.5 Evolution of society

4.6 The people's level

4.7 Classes in Ayudthia society: background

4.8 Buddhism

4.9 Language and arts

4.10 Development of the economy

4.11 Military development

4.12 Comparison with China

4.13 Comparison with India

4.14 Conclusions

5. Bangkok: national restoration

5.1 Bangkok era royalty: background

5.2 Restoration of the state and society

5.3 Government operation

5.4 The interface of government and villagers

5.5 Slavery

5.6 The economy

5.7 Overall disturbance by foreigners

6. Modernization (1850 - 1910)

6.1 Introduction

6.2 The royalty and top government

6.3 Impacts in the world of officials

6.4 Effects on the lives of the villagers

6.5 The economy

6.6 Arts and Buddhism

6.7 Conclusions for the 1800s

6A Annex

7. Twentieth century troubles (1910 - 1932)

7.1 Introduction

7.2 The national identity ideas of Rama 6

7.3 Other policies and problems of Rama 6

7.4 Official society under Rama 6

7.5 Society widening beyond the central pyramid

7.6 Development of Thai big business

7.7 Village life

7.8 Rama 7 leadership

8. Post revolution (1932 - 1957)

8.1 History outline

8.2 Effects on official society

8.3 Society outside government

8.4 The economy

8.5 The Sarit coup, and his leadership

8.6 Conclusions for the 1900s

9. Comparisons with other societies

9.1 Introduction

9.2 Feudalism and monarchy in Europe

9.3 Urban and economic development

9.4 Change in society

9.5 The Enlightenment

9.6 The end of feudalism: background

9.7 Comparison with other states

9.8 Conclusions

10. Concluding overview

10.1 Overview of the society, classical society

10.2 The informal side in official society

10.3 Change in society through the eras

10.4 Official society designed by government

10.5 Particular developments in society

10.6 The European infiltration, and the 1900s

References

Author and contact

Preface

This book results from years of interest in the operation of Thailand's society at present, and consequently in its historical background. A study of society in the present period may be completed later.

The content here is all secondary research based on sources, with many specific references. The contribution of this book is thus not in delving into new records and evidence. It is in drawing out from previous historical research a distinctive sketch of the history of society. Histories of Thailand do not usually focus on the society dimension. We can read about its political history and royalty, foreign relations, trade and economy. But the social structure and operation is mostly just seen in passing. If historians stick close to the documents available, they are naturally led in these other directions.

This book selects certain areas of emphasis in descriptions, makes conceptual links, traces changes, to compose a picture that the reader will hopefully find credible, balanced, and also intriguing for further thought. It is western in approach, aiming to be logical and detached, avoiding political interpretations. The discussion cannot capture the full complexity of such a wide topic in history; and inevitably its choices are subjective. Reference materials are often tangential, spotty or a partial fit, so the arguments involve extrapolations, inferences, comparisons with other countries. However the results are just presented for the reader to assess, not making any inflated claims of veracity. They are more to stimulate high quality of further discussion in this fascinating field.

History written by Thais has generally been a proper recording and interpretation of the past, often meant to serve national interests and pride, to educate the reader appropriately. Histories written centuries ago were of the tamnan type, emphasizing myth and the place of the nation in the cosmos, or the pongsawadan type, emphasizing the earthly glory of the kings and the nation under them. These two categories, of course, indicate what was important to the government. An early step beyond these confines was the writing (early 1900s) of Prince Damrong Rachanupap, who broke much ground and used documents carefully. But it is no surprise that he tended to positive interpretations, grand descriptions, and emphasis on royalty. On this tradition, see Kasetsiri (1976, p.2, 9) After him, the field was quiet for Thai academics until the 1960s, especially social history.

Western historians developed the field of Thailand's history in the western sense, writing from about 1900 – again with little on social aspects, since documentation was sparse. The last sixty years have seen a deeper interest, including social research, by both foreigners and Thais. The political shift of 1973 brought greater freedom of study and writing, but also greater political strife; and history has been drawn into the controversies of the political world. Some Thai and foreign writers have steered into ideologies; but others have sought balanced, analytical truth in going outside the traditional confines. This book claims to follow the latter approach to history. It does give a less official, less constrained, more variegated picture than in some formal histories, including problems in society; but others have mentioned all the problems discussed here. The aim is balanced steps toward truth – which should be more useful to serious students, and more lively, engaging for everyone.

To emphasize: the extremes are avoided here; there is no one-sided or polemical aim, no intention to stir sensitive issues. This book aims at a well-reasoned, non-political picture of society, that relates with the society observed in the present. With the heated sensitivities and controversies, however, this book may arouse some partisan, elite or official criticisms. People who think history should follow the proper guidelines, or who dislike open discussion, may say it is biased, unfair, disloyal, despicable. Some would say that only properly approved people should write history, and the author lacks permission and social status to allow presentation of open discussion. (Control from the top down, and permission, are a major topic in this book, and still a strong social force.) All these objections may be packaged by saying it is too western; and of course it is. But in the sense of seeking logical, credible, balanced, useful analysis, that is not encumbered with social aims. One rolls with such attacks, hoping to contribute a small piece in real academic understanding.

Thai history can be enjoyed as an attractive pursuit. Its particularities are engaging, stimulating, colorful ones, that pull one in. Many aspects are positive in tone, relative to other countries. The history specifically of Thailand's society shares this attracting character; and hopefully the reader will feel some of this allure in the still veiled and incomplete picture presented here.

This book is an offering for students of Thailand's social dimension and history, suitable for the graduate university level. It is being published as a free e-book, accessible anywhere in the world. (The author does not need income from sales.) This is a marvelous technology, costing nothing to print or deliver to the reader. This is also the democratic format, where the readers decide its worth. It has not passed through the cleansing of official reviewers, the grinding of editors, the delay of approvals. The benefit is that the ideas are not smoothed and diluted: they should be more lively. Again, it is a stimulus for students, not a bolted-down official reference. The author makes no claim to guru status that expects reader acceptance. Students should be cautioned that some professors will not consider that it has the official stature to be cited as a reference.

Technical points

The website gives some additional information, and welcomes an exchange of ideas and constructive comments on the book.

For simplicity, there are no maps here. Locations are given clearly, and can be found in maps in many of the references.

Thailand is called Siam here, up to the 1930s, just to emphasize that the topic is the historic nation, which was different in character from the current Thailand.

The content is built on references, but it is not practical to state them all. More references on many particular topics in the book can be suggested to students upon request. References are all English writings, although many are by Thai authors. Some writings in Thai were consulted, but with the overabundance of available references, they did not need to be included. Many Thai researchers have written summary articles in English, which were more suitable for this overall discussion. Similarly, articles in academic journals are available, but generally too detailed to be included.

References to other sections of this book are in square brackets: [4.3] means there is related discussion in section 4.3. Thai words are written in English letters, and underlined and explained for convenience of western readers.

Royal names, in Europe and Thailand, are given with modern numerals, e.g. Louis 14 (not XIV), Rama 4, for clarity. (Written Thai does not use Roman numerals.) Use of he and his naturally includes women where logical, and is just for efficiency.

Acknowledgments

A book project like this has to be nourished by inspiration and ideas from many people. I have been energized by the help and ideas of many colleagues and friends in Thailand, including professors and civil servants at different levels. They would not all agree with all the ideas and conclusions here; but their discussions guided much of the concept set presented here. In the current societal situation, it is not suitable to name them; but they know my gratitude and appreciation of their thinking. Indeed it is a huge debt over the years: many people have been so generous in friendship and collaboration. Thai people have been wonderful to this farang.

Cornell University Library has provided a major input for the book. The content here would be much weaker without the use of its tremendous collection. Weeks spent in their welcoming facilities (open to the public before Covid) were most productive: Thank you, Cornell. Fortunately it is not too far from home. Chulalongkorn and Thammasat Universities also provided important materials. Some reading was done in excellent libraries in Toronto, since I also spend time there.

1. Introduction

This book discusses the overall operation and development of the society of Thailand down through its history. It deals with the structure and interactive behavior of the whole population, the operational relations of different levels of society, and the attitudes behind all this. The topic is too broad, of course, but it deserves an attempt because it is so vital in understanding history. The society affected national history, and vice versa; and it has greatly affected the lives of the Thais. There is of course continuity through time – the society in history has also been a main foundation for the current Thai society, affecting the lives of the Thais today. Girling (1981, p.19) stresses the link to the present, saying that far more than in most societies, the past in Thailand is reflected in the present.

This is not a social history, which would range further into interpersonal behavior, kinship, ceremonies, beliefs and attitudes, and so on. A society history is more limited, looking into the general behaviors related to one's position in society, the informal structure of it, mobility in it, people's attitudes toward other parts of society, and such.

The chapters separate the logical phases of history of the Thai people. Each phase brings considerable changes in the society, but always building on the previous form of it. And each one has a different context of foreign relations, of impacts from foreign cultures. International effects become more unsettling from 1850 onward, and end up pummeling the upper Thai society in the 1900s. This book stops at 1957, with the period since then considered as the current one – which has seen much further change in society.

The history of the Thai people has been a good one, by relative standards. The people have always been ecologically fortunate, practical, and located off the track of history's worst sweeps of war and ravage. The society has not been violent, repressive, enslaved, class-exploitative. The book has a relatively positive subject to investigate.

The actual history, of the official type, cannot be given even in brief form. But it is not vital in the book; readers only need the most basic outline of it. For general history, see Wyatt (1984 and 2003), Girling (1981), Syamananda (1977), Terwiel (1983), Baker and Phongpaichit (2005 and 2009). History is mentioned here as part of the discusion of society, and in sections marked as background.

2. The first stage of Thai history, Nan Zhao

The history of the Thai people is usually considered to emerge in a visible form at about 600 AD. in the Nan Zhao area, an upland and mountain area of several thousand square kilometers around Lake Tali in Yunnan Province. (The Mandarin phonetic spelling is used here; some spell it Nan Chao.) This is when Chinese and Tibetan records begin to mention Thai-type groups living in that area. Thai-type will be the term used here for the wider, more vague group that included subsequent Burmese and Lao and hill people along with Thai, and spoke related dialects. Original-Thai will be the term for the narrower group of Thai-speakers with a lowland rice culture. They are the focus here: some of them migrated from Nan Zhao and originated the Thai society in Thailand. In Nan Zhao, Thai-type was most of the population. Aasen (1998) gives a map showing that Thai-type people lived in wide areas at that time, some outside Yunnan, some even in Bangladesh. For the history of Nan Zhao, the sources are tecords from China and Tibet (and some from Vietnam after 800). telling a sketchy but intriguing story up to the 1200s. (There is only one small record by a Thai-type leader still remaining in Nan Zhao, written in Chinese.)

2.1 Thai people in Nan Zhao

2.1.1 Political history: background

This section, and a few later, are labeled as background because they give general history, in very brief form. Readers already familiar with it can easily skip these sections.

The setting of Nan Zhao, and the whole of Yunnan, was peripheral to China, in its southwest corner, but not really isolated. It was on the trade route to India, going under the Himalayas (as opposed to the long route north of the Himalayas toward western Asia, the Silk Road). From Nan Zhao one continued on to the Irrawadi River and then by boat to India, or westward through Bangladesh: see Fitzgerald (1973, p.43). There was also a land route to Hanoi. So it could be called a crossroads, as Davies (1909) described it (an early field report, but with little applicable information). Yunnan is dramatic landscape, mountainous in parts, but also has small plains, lowlands and rivers. Its rivers are particularly interesting; they are the upper parts of four huge rivers: the Salween, Mekhong and Red Rivers, and nearby, the upper Yangtse. These rivers were not very navigable in Yunnan, but one could follow them and reach Burma, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, and southern China. People living in the lowlands would have been rather oriented to trade along such routes. They would be used to interaction with Chinese, Tibetan (just to the northwest) and Indian cultures and religions. The original-Thai were a main group in the lowland, along with other Thai-types.

People living in Yunnan are mentioned by Han dynasty records. The area attracted the attention of the Chinese since they wanted to open a trade route to India. (Apparently one of the main products was slaves.) The activity subsided with the dynasty, but Chinese trade revived around 600 AD.. Aggressive military action arrived in support of the trade; so the locals had to organize defensive fiefdoms. After 618, the new Tang dynasty (centered not too far away in Changan) started making demands. Possibly in response, the local areas were unified by a single leader, and China made a treaty of suzerainty with this Nan Zhao state (about 649). By this time, the local leaders had gotten used to Chinese government and culture.

At this time Tibet was building itself into a powerful state too. They came in and dominated Nan Zhao in some periods from 676 on, alternating with China, and with periods of relative freedom from both. The local population was learning fast, about politics and war. The leaders learned the tricky dynamic of being a vassal, serving and managing or deceiving an overlord, making deals with one against the other. This was the beginning of social characteristics that continued to develop in Thai society later.

It was organized as local leaders, sometimes under a top leader, probably all Thai-type. See the description by Fitzgerald (1973, p.55), and Backus (1981, p.15-30). At 738 Nan Zhao was unified by a Thai-type leader (Phikolo) and he made a vassal deal with China. The dramatic part of this is his method of unification, said to be a murderous deception of the other local leaders. (It took the form of a huge fire when they gathered, which is still perceptible now in a local festival there.) Quite a character: see Backus (1981, p.44). He seems a schemer (and he seems more Burmese than Thai, even his name)... and the result was vassalage – but some official Thai histories name Phikolo as the first Thai king. (Other possibilities regarding royalty are discussed later, are not a main concern here.) In any case, original-Thai were probably involved in the leadership in this sub-state.

Nan Zhao moved up to being a small independent state in 751, by defeating the distracted Chinese; and continued on with less vassalage and more independent periods. In the latter periods, it spread east, southwest into northern Burma (to control the trade route) and sometimes north to parts of Szechuan. That is, when it perceived the opportunity, it did not just enjoy independence but had a tendency to attack and expand. At one point it advanced all the way to Hanoi and pushed out the Chinese (who were disoriented, busy rebelling against the declining Tang). The Chinese records allowed that it had a respectable social and cultural structure. Half the reason for such recognition was no doubt that in this expansion it absorbed Chinese people and Chinese culture and government systems. It seems to have been ruled for 150 years by one elite group or extended family, that was probably mostly Thai-type.

Then the Tang broke down; and at the same time Nan Zhao met internal trouble leading to its own breakdown around 903. A new leading group took over, more Chinese in character. Again in the next centuries (the Song dynasty), there were degrees of vassalage, but Song was not too aggressive (and had bigger worries coming from the north). The rulers were not always effective, and there were further breakdowns and usurpations in the succeeding centuries. There must have been problems – because the Thai-type people started migrating out.

Nan Zhao's economy can be mentioned. It had its own rather tropical agricultural products, in abundance; it had precious metal mines; and it sold silk, elephant hides and horses (always a key need of the Chinese military). Its lowland was productive rice land. That is, it had a wealth of production, operated healthy trade, and can be called a strong and fairly complex economy.

Thai people inherited from Nan Zhao a long experience in a rather well developed political and economic world, not a simple life in the hills. The economy was healthy and included distant trade; the politics were large-scale, strained and sometimes militaristic.

2.1.2 Nan Zhao society

Nan Zhao can be called a sizable, developed society, influenced by China and Tibet but no doubt more a Thai-type society. Chinese documents noted a nature-oriented life of the Thai-type people, with nature spirits. Food was relatively plentiful (rice being the staple) and important in social life. Consequently the villagers were independent by nature, not forced by insufficiencies to over-organize food production or have restrictive rules. There is no mention of conflict, battles between groups, militant leaders among the people – the militancy seemed to be just at the top. The positive conditions gave Nan Zhao society an informal, light-hearted, flexible side, using ingenuity and wit, that differed from the Chinese. They commented on this disparagingly, relating it to being unreliable, tricky, lazy, undisciplined. The social ways were more relaxed and spontaneous. See Eberhard (1982, p.86). Along this same line, authors mention indications of relative sexual freedom (both sexes). There are mentionings that families generally left land to the second child assuming the first child was born out of adventure (ditto). They were used to the idea of moving to new freer lands to escape trouble. These characteristics all have some reverberation down through history, and appear in later chapters.

Thai-type people also were important in towns. They no doubt operated business; trade was a normal part of life. They probably had local business elites, with cultural life fashioned on the Chinese model.

The Thai-type people are painted here as an attractive society, tending to freedom and informality, oriented to nature. They were partly urban, experienced in business and in dealing with foreign cultures, but mostly agricultural, in fairly fertile conditions. They do not appear as militaristic or conflictual types.

This is not much of a description, of course. But these vague characteristics are a small start; and they will resonate in all the following chapters as the picture becomes clearer.

In religion, Nan Zhao's characteristics included influences from India. The people followed Buddhist practices from India to a degree (some of it Theravada, according to Fitzgerald (1973, p.49)). More of it was apparently Chinese type (which would be Mahatana), and this became the state religion by 900. See Eberhart (1982, p.77), Fitzgerald (1972, p.49, 60), Backus (1981, p.159). LeMay (1962, p.4) considers that they were animist. (Tibetan Buddhism did not seem to take hold.) Some of the Nan Zhao leaders actually abdicated in old age into Buddhist monkhood.

According to Cady (1964, p.25) it had a sort of Sanskrit-Pali script. The government used Chinese official design and laws, and some Tibetan influences and symbols. Chinese records mentioning Nan Zhao sometimes said it was well governed, which must have meant it was Chinese in style. It had government departments, impressive regalia of top positions, judges, taxes, military organization: see Wood (1926, p.37). The Chinese style is mentioned by Fitzgerald (1973, p.60) and Backus (1981, p.78), saying it even had Chinese-type civil service entrance exams.

Being an organized state, it had an enforced hierarchical organization of society, probably somewhat feudal. Life was not all freedom and fun. The system included corvée labor (using the population for public works and for farm work on the land of the elite), and the elite also had slaves of some sort. There was military conscription (as in China), and call-ups for military campaigns. The militant history of Nan Zhao sounds rather like Chinese history in that era.

As was normal, there was elitism and wealth for the ruling group. The rulers sometimes worked on improving life, even starting irrigation and granaries (a Chinese practice); but sometimes they were self-spoiling and damaging, luxuriating in their palace.

2.1.3 The final period, and southward migration

China's throes of barbarian invasion and internal conflict got worse after 1100. Nan Zhao thus gained more freedom, but the trade economy declined. At this time the central Nan Zhao government developed disunity and confusion. Its power declined, giving opportunity to local chiefs (probably mostly Thai-type) to govern their own micro-states, particularly on the southern side. To the southwest, Pagan became a strong state and took over territory on the border of Nan Zhao. This is the disorganized atmosphere in which, even from 900, there was a general migration of Thai-type people southward. It appears that they wanted to be free of the pressures of the generally increasing internal strife in this period in Nan Zhao. One may guess that they disliked the Chinese style that had taken over the government around 903, the wars and corvée labor and taxes. They seemed to be dreaming of ruling their own little states, unharassed.

Apart from political stress, population pressure could have been a cause. In any case, groups set out to start their own micro-states, in Burma, Laos and northern Thailand. Some were lowland types, some rolling-land types, and some hill types: each settled in land of their preferred type. This movement continued into the 1200s; and then disaster struck. The Nan Zhao state came to a tragic end in 1253, when it found itself in the path of Kublai Khan coming to invade southern China. The Mongol depredation presumably caused a final wave of Thai-type migration to the south. The Mongols quickly conquered Nan Zhao, and it sank to being a basic outpost within China.

With the overthrow of the Mongols by the Ming, the remaining people of Yunnan briefly became free enough. But in 1381 it was attacked by a Ming arrmy and incorporated into the Chinese state. Ever since then, there have been waves of Chinese immigration, taking up much of the lowland. The cities have become Chinese administrative and commercial centers. Thus for the Thai-type people who stayed, the cultural strength and feeling of homeland has been drained away. Groups still can be found over a wide area, with some Thai culture and language. A wide set of these groups is now officially called the Chuang by the Chinese, and numbers 16 million: see Eberhard (1982, p.86) and Wyatt (1984, p.2).

2.2 Earlier history in China: background

One can go further back into the misty eras before Yunnan, an interesting story although not needed for this book. Originally, it seems that groups probably spread from northeast India, under the Himalayas, into the general Yunnan area, starting about 800 BC. There were pressures from Indian populations moving eastward, related in turn to Aryan inflow into India from the northwest. There is a myth that one Thai-type group originated from a marriage with Indian royalty (implying at least that they relate to India). Various such groups from India migrated to become the Burmese (after mixing with Tibetans), the populations of southeast Asia (Mon, Cambodian, and even Filipino and Indonesian peoples, according to Seidenfaden (1963, p.6)). That is, they migrated east and then turned south. And some of them turned north into southwest and west China. There are wispy mentions of them by the Chinese in various areas, e.g. Dodd (1923) found a particularly odd mention. Wiens (1954, p.112-142) and Syamananda (1977, p.7) describe some theories of such non-Chinese groups and their movements in the west and south of China. The large Chu nation, of the whole Yangtse basin (famous for being conquered by the Chinese in the first unification of China in 221 BC), was not Chinese – many think that it was a sort of Thai type, e.g. Fitzgerald (1973, p.42). If so, it was a high point in Thai-type history.

In the post-Han period, the barbarian hero Meng-kuo or Meng-huo of the well-known Romance of the Three Kingdoms (the half fictional story of politics in Szechuan around 250 AD.) has been also linked to the Thai type. In the story, this non-Chinese ruler of a large southern area is resourceful, brave, tricky... and is finally defeated by the Chinese (since it is a Chinese book). The name Meng reappears as a ruling family in Nan Zhao in the 700s; they could have filtered down from Szechuan. It seems intriguing as a possible origin story. Some say that the final movement into Yunnan, in the post-Han period, was instead from the east; that is, that Thai-type peoples were previously in the Yangtse valley and its southern hills, fitting with the Chu story (above): see Wyatt (1982, p.9), Wiens (1954, p.111-117, 142).

Somewhere here is the origin of Thainess, but it is not clear enough to declare an ancestral history of Thai people before Nan Zhao.

3. Sukhothai and Chiengmai

3.1 The overall migration: background

From about 900, Thai-type people moved southward, filtering into the territory of Thailand, Laos and Burma. The population in all these areas was low, and the migrants did not seem to eject previous residents. They came in many small groups; and the more lowland ones established towns in Thailand or infiltrated existing ones, along with taking up farming in the surroundings. Their early towns included Srisachanalai, Fang, Chiengrai from the 900s; Chiengsaen, Phayao, and Luang Prabang (Laos) later. (All the town names here are still on the Thailand map.) These were commerce towns, since the Thais were used to conducting business, and became centers of micro-states. Some of them on the east side were towns that were already vassals to or part of the Khmer empire: Sukhothai, and further south to Lopburi and Nakhon Ratchasima. On the west side, existing centers were vassals of the Dvaravati empire: Haripunchai [3.6] and further south, Uthong, Rajaburi, Nakhon Pathom, etc.. Thus the Thais came into more contact with Khmer people and ideas in the east and Mon in the west. They apparently even spread south to Chaya and Nakhon Sri Thammarat. These were not all exactly the same cultural group, but they spoke roughly similar dialects. These in-migrants are called here the original-Thai.

Other Thai-type groups, upland and hill cultivation types, also filtered into present-day Thailand and Laos, taking up more hilly areas. Some are now known as hill tribes in Thailand. For simplicity, they are not discussed here; the Thai society was always dominated by the lowland type.

The slivers of history in this period suggest the same sort of society as in Nan Zhao. The in-migrants had the informal, natural, freedom spirit, the practical production and trading economy. They organized (or merged with) local government, with a basic army; they even began to write official chronicles of their micro-state, which have partly survived. But they were rather informal in leadership and did not organize larger political units or take over each other's area. In cultural terms they were receptive to ideas: Khmer and Mon architecture, Mon (Theravada) Buddhism... little Chinese culture seems evident.

The most important of all these settlement areas are Sukhothai (in a Khmer area) and Chiengmai (in a Mon area), since they later grew into successful larger states of their own. Even the Thais entering these two were slightly different cultural groups with different dialects (but are both called original-Thai here).

Original-Thais (and others) infiltrated into northern and central Thailand and established a rural and urban life probably like their life in Nan Zhao. But now they were free, at least where they were not joining existing centers that were Khmer or Mon vassals. In free areas they made an informal society, organized in micro-states that seem not militaristic. In most areas they were relating to Khmer and Mon people, and their empires, and were picking up cultural and religious ideas.

The central Thai plain was divided between the Khmer and the Mon, and the top northwest was in danger from the Burmese centered at Pagan. Fortunately, during the 1100s and 1200s, the control by all these three weakened. The Mon central government (Dvaravati) had previously been weak, and now disappeared. On the northwest, Pagan declined and then their kingdom was ruined by the Mongols in 1278.

The Khmer were the most problematic overlords, making the most demands. Their closest regional center was Lopburi, from which they controlled Sukhothai. But they were encountering weak periods as well; Lopburi was out of their control about 1100 to 1120, 1150 to 1200, and again by around 1270. In general the Khmer empire was sinking into trouble after the passing of an ambitious king in 1220. Its character is reviewed in section 4.1.1. Sukhothai and other towns took advantage of this trend, and rebelled. Under Thai leaders, Sukhothai expelled the local overlords in 1238, and became a free state – the curtain opened on what is clearly identifiable as Thai history as a free state.

3.2 Sukhothai achieves freedom: background

Sukhothai had been a town for over a century, controlled as an outer Khmer province. It was important enough in the Khmer empire that it had a baray (the religious-symbolic ponds that are famous at Angkor). But its in-migrant Thai population kept growing, and two Thai leaders organized the rebellion. They were actually Khmer officials, so there was Khmer influence in the new state: Cady (1964, p.37). For background, see Kasetsiri (1976, p.40). Sukhothai may have been agitating against Khmer before that: see Sukhabanij (1957).

The population of Sukhothai was mostly original-Thai, but one must note that it also included Khmer and some others. Even Sukhothai, the cradle of Thailand society, was a mixed population. But for simplicity its society will be called original-Thai here.

There were other free Thai micro-states further north, but Sukhothai makes a dramatic story as the start of Siam, and it was ambitious to expand. The Sukhothai leaders soon found weakness in the Khmer and Dvaravati control of areas around them. Ramkhamheng (1279 to about 1300) found that he could subdue (with little fighting) more and more area to the south, in the central plain, which had been the border area between those two empires. Sukhothai had learned expansion politics from the Khmer: levying an army, threatening nearby micro-states, making vassal agreements. Within 60 years of independence, Sukhothai control spread all the way down to the coast (to the west of today's Bangkok area, i.e. on the Dvaravati side). Lopburi (a key Khmer center) was left alone; it had become free by 1280 and valued independence as did Sukhothai. Aasen (1998, p.5) says that Lopburi was more advanced and impressive than Sukhothai. However Sukhothai did gain control over Suphanburi (west of Bangkok), quite a prize because it had claims to suzerainty down into Malaya. This southern area was possibly also under some suzerainty of Srivijaya (an Indonesian empire). In addition, there was an available corridor to the Indian Ocean at Tennasserim, and Ramkhamheng expanded there too, even to Martaban. All this probably did not need much fighting – mini-states may have preferred light control by Sukhothai over the harassments of the declining empires, and many of them were somewhat Thai in character. And Sukhothai was not a militaristic, violent government [3.3c]. In any case the actual control from Sukhothai was a general thing, loyalty and a few taxes and manpower expectations.

Sukhothai became free from Khmer, and expanded to become the initial Thai state. It took advantage of the weakness of the Khmer and Dvaravati empires, occupying the large middle of Thailand. From being a part of landlocked Nan Zbao, the original-Thai had gotten a state of their own with access to two oceans. It was a burst of achievement for the Thai society, no doubt going beyond their dreams.

Admittedly, Sukhothai was not entirely free of China: symbolic tribute was sent and visits were made to placate the Mongol government (which threatened to attack). The diplomacy worked, and relations became actually slightly positive. The Mongol government did not like the Khmer, who were not sending tribute. Ramkhamheng admired the Mongols' military power and wanted to adopt ideas from them.

At this point, the ruler can be called a king for convenience. Ramkhamheng boasts of the achievements of Sukhothai in his famous stone inscription – mainly of creating a positive and free Thai society, with a good rural life, the central point of interest here. In general Ramkhamheng did not elevate himself greatly. He called himself the people's father, pho khun, claimed to be looking after their welfare (not actually calling himself king). He listened to individuals' petitions. This type of royalty is called pituraja (family-like) kingship: see the explanation by Chaloemtiarana (2007). It seems rather modest and ideal. Ramkhamheng did not take on leadership of a religion, or claim a supernatural mandate. In fact he took care to support Theravada Buddhism: a king and his people readily moving more into this foreign religion together. He also attended personally to the local earth god (whose hill is still seen south of Sukhothai, according to Hall (1968, p.175)). Subsequent rulers of Sukhothai were roughly similar: one sees here an image of monarchy in the original-Thai society: leadership with power, well integrated with the overall mostly rural society. The whole had an organic character built from tradition; it is called a people's society here.

3.3 Society and government

To try to sketch key aspects of society, the following six points are proposed. The six points are important because they have all reverberated down to present-day Thailand.

(a) Personal freedom

The Thai groups were now out of general Chinese control; they were free (except for minor tribute to China). Freedom became a main inspiring concept for Sukhothai; it is mentioned in the Ramkhamheng inscription. The people were ruled by leaders of their own type, with some emphasis on benevolent, caring, practical, accessible, fatherly leadership, that recognized a freedom ideal at all levels. Of course not all the leaders lived up to the freedom ideal; and later Sukhothai kings imposed more burdens on the villagers. But in any case the ideals of freedom and personal, benevolent leadership were emphasized and they became ingrained. They had already been part of the nature of the culture in Yunnan.

(b) Elevation of royalty

Despite the ideals of a personal, accessible leadership, the idea soon took hold that the leader had to be more impressive, powerful, and elevated. This was a result of learning the Khmer model, and also Indian models through the Mon. The Khmer model was probably brought by Brahmin priests from Khmer – it had a semi-god king, based loosely on Hindu traditions, enjoying supernatural support and power. The concept received more directly from India through the Mon side was a monarchy of a universal or cosmic scale, a king of virtue, justice and wisdom, a Dhammaraja – and also, logically, holding great power, a Chakrapantirat.

Thus the Sukhothai rulers, starting with Lithai (1347-1368), developed a more Hindu identity, elevating and glorifying themselves. It seemed loical to raise their power and confidence, bolstering their dominance over their own outer areas and impressing external adversaries. However, the rulers were not extreme in this; and the idea of the personal, protective, fatherly king was maintained. They continued to participate in Buddhism, the people's religion, and in spiritualism.

Lithai was also an advanced scholar of Buddhism, and produced a book summarizing Buddhist teachings, the Triphumikata, quite an accomplishment (and a valuable standard for written Thai). The point here is that his summary included ideas on elevated monarchy; and so they started to take root: see Terwiel (1984, p.32). The Buddhist ideas were more balanced than the Hindu, and included precepts for exemplary kingly behavior [4.3.1]; but the two put together emphasized a grand, awesome monarchy.

Lithai and his successors ruled under these more cosmic concepts; and they tried to follow the associated characteristics and the precepts for kings which were part of the package. One later king (Luthai) specifically made an inscription saying that he follows these kingly precepts: see discussion by Coedès (1966, p.145). The related idea of Chakravartin (more from the Khmer side, more power oriented) was also taking root. See discussion by Gesick (1976, p.53). This all had a natural attraction for the kings, and gathered momentum from then on, growing further in Ayudthia [4.3.1]. The Triphumikata also talked of an unequal society by merit, the elite deserving their position by previous good deeds – and that justification of hierarchy also developed from then on [4.8].

As one visible indicator of the royal moderation, in cosmic symbolism, they did not build grandiose royal structures (as in Khmer), and the modest ones (some still serenely standing today, including this book's cover) were more Mon-Buddhist in style. Aasen (1998) says that Sukhothai was not as grand in