The Neighbour from Hell: Two Centuries of Australian Imperialism
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Imperialism has long been the subject of sharp debates. Now Tom O'Lincoln offers an original study of Australia's ruthless participation in the imperialist system. Left analysts have often accused Australia's rulers of being 'lapdogs' for the great powers, notably the US and the UK. O'Lincoln's analysis of Australia's 'boutique imperialism' give
Tom O'Lincoln
Tom O'Lincoln was joined the radical student movement in Germany in 1967 and was subsequently a socialist organiser, unionist, journalist and writer. One major interest has been the Communist Party of Australia and he is the author of Into the Mainstream: The Decline of Australian Communism. His political memoirs The Highway is for Gamblers cover his life as a political activist for 50 years in the US, Germany, Australia and Indonesia. Currently living in residential care, Tom continues his commitment to revolutionary Marxism.
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The Neighbour from Hell - Tom O'Lincoln
Interventions is produced on the land of the Wurundjeri people of the Kulin Nation. We acknowledge the Traditional Owners of country throughout Australia and recognise their continuing connection to land, waters and culture. We pay our respects to their Elders past, present and emerging. Their land was stolen, never ceded. It always was and always will be Aboriginal land.
Dedication
This book is dedicated to Nancy Aitkin and Nic Maclellan, Tom’s neighbours for many years in Albert Street, Brunswick. They shared many good times and a common commitment to political activism. When this book was first published, the joke was that they might be the neighbours referred to. On the contrary: when Tom became ill, they helped and supported him and provided a welcoming place for him to spend time.
First published 2014 by Interventions Publishers
2nd edition with new Introduction 2021 by Interventions Inc
Interventions is a not-for-profit, independent, radical book publisher. For further information:
www.interventions.org.au
info@interventions.org.au
PO Box 24132
Melbourne VIC 3001
Design and layout of this edition by Viktoria Ivanova.
Cover design from cartoon by Hop
(Livingston Hopkins), Annexation – carrying the blessings of civilisation into New Guinea
, The Bulletin Vol. 1, no. 4, 9 June 1883, p. 13.
Author: Tom O’Lincoln
Title: The Neighbour From Hell: Two Centuries of Australian Imperialism
ISBN: 978-0-6452534-5-0: Paperback
ISBN: 978-0-6452534-4-3: (eBook)
© Tom O’Lincoln 2014
The moral rights of the author have been asserted.
All rights reserved. Except as permitted under the Australian Copyright Act 1968 (for example, a fair dealing for the purposes of study, research, criticism or review), no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, communicated or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission.
All inquiries should be made to the publisher.
Contents
Preface
Author’s introduction 2014
Introduction to the second edition
Robbers & spoilers
Two world wars and neo-colonialism
Riders on the storm
Testing the Vietnam Syndrome
Further reading
Endnotes
Tom O’Lincoln Legacy Project
Preface
The first edition of this book was published in 2014. In that the author noted that a version of the second chapter appeared as ‘Australian Imperialism in the Cold War’ in Marxist Left Review no. 6 2013 and that part of the final chapter appeared in the collection Class and Struggle in Australia, edited by Rick Kuhn (Pearson Education 2005). He remarked that the general line of argument arose from an insight which Dave Nadel drew to his attention, derived from Humphrey McQueen’s A New Britannia (Penguin 1970). David Glanz and Phil Griffiths were early contributors to the development of the ideas contained in the book, and Nic Maclellan and Rick Kuhn also contributed substantially during the writing of the book. The first edition was supported by the Jeff Goldhar Project.
This second edition was undertaken because the first edition was out of print, and we considered it important to retain availability of this short introduction to the role of Australia’s boutique imperialism. While there have been minor corrections and amendments to the text throughout and to the references, the text remains very close to the author’s original work. This edition is enhanced by the inclusion of a new introduction by Sam Pietsch. Sam has brought the analysis up to date, primarily by reviewing the ongoing and rapid rise of China as an economic and political power. The seven years since the first edition have not seen any diminution in the significance of the central theses of this book; rather, the main arguments have been strengthened and their urgency heightened.
A number of people assisted with comments, production and other help in both editions.
In the first edition, Tom expressed his gratitude for comments, production and other help to: Jane Tovey, Janey Stone, Liz Ross, Rick Kuhn, Corey Oakley, Les Thomas and Ben Hillier. For mistakes and weaknesses, Tom noted the responsibility was entirely his.
For this second edition thanks in addition to Sam Pietsch for the new introduction and for assistance with the text, Alex Ettling for helpful comments, to Eris Harrison for copy-editing and Vik Ivanova for the design and layout.
We are also very grateful to the following people whose financial assistance made this new edition possible: Graeme Haynes, Anne Lawson, Tess Lee-Ack, Dave Nadel, Liz Ross, Robert Stainsby, Fleur Taylor, Phillip Whitefield and Robert Zocchi.
This second edition is the first book in a project to publish new editions of all Tom O’Lincoln’s major works, ensuring that they will be available in perpetuity through print-on-demand services. Interventions is proud to be able to make this contribution to supporting the continued availability of Tom’s enduring contribution to socialist history and analysis.
Author’s introduction 2014
‘Another Australian expeditionary force’ is a familiar phrase to the world. Australians have fought on more battlefronts than any other men since the time of Genghis Khan.
Washington Post correspondent Richard Oulahan¹
The world is a complex, volatile place; yet, some things become familiar. When Australia fights an overseas war in, for example, Afghanistan alongside the US, responses on the broad left generally fit a pattern. Critics will point to Australia’s dependence on the US. This is undeniable – most states in the world depend on US power in some way. From that recognition, however, the left generally proceeds to a much more questionable argument, lamenting what it sees as chronic Australian subservience towards the big-power ally. The US is accused of dragging this country into wars that are not in ‘our’ interest.
For example, Alison Broinowski’s book Howard’s War makes a telling critique of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. She complains that, ‘instead of standing up for Australia... Howard bent over backwards to oblige Washington and London.’ Regarding the government’s passivity about the fate of Australians in Guantanamo, she asks: ‘What makes us so meek?’² In much the same way, such astute historians as Ray Evans and Henry Reynolds see this country as fighting foreign wars at ‘the behest of the British or American hegemon.’³
I can’t agree. These views amount to a psychological interpretation without much structural or strategic content. More importantly, Australia isn’t ‘meek’ at all. It’s an imperialist power in its own right. It has sent troops to distant wars to gain credit with Britain and, more recently, the US, hoping that these ‘great and powerful friends’ will back up Australia’s interests in our own region. This has been a pattern for well over a century. It doesn’t make Canberra a ‘lapdog’ for the US. In 1962, journalist Dennis Warner described it more accurately as ‘life insurance that we’re taking out’ to back up Australia’s own interests.⁴ It’s part of a strategy for leveraging power, a sort of boutique imperialism in which Canberra manoeuvres carefully to maximise its clout. That is a key theme of this book.
According to analyst Jeff Doyle, ‘Australia is an outrider of an English speaking Empire whose symbolic capital once was London and is now Washington.’⁵ He needed to add that the ‘outrider’ also influences what happens at the core and that it promotes what it sees as its (bourgeois) national interest across the globe. The Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) even sent one of their number to Chile to help bring down the leftist Allende government.⁶ It is important to be clear on the imperialist nature of the Australian state; otherwise, we misunderstand our enemies. Important though it is to fight the evils of US imperialism, this book argues that, in Karl Liebknecht’s famous words, the main enemy is in our own country.⁷
A Marxist study of imperialism must touch on Lenin. My approach echoes Lenin’s main themes.⁸ He, along with Bukharin, saw the outbreak of a great imperialist war in 1914 as linked to an alignment of capital and the state. This was occurring within individual countries and on a global scale; it was associated with the exploitation of what today we call the Third World; and it had laid the basis for launching revolutionary struggles. Such horrors still feature in the world today. In the midst of the Western onslaught on Iraq and Afghanistan, the operation of something resembling Lenin’s schema was surely undeniable. These were undoubtedly what he would call ‘annexationist, predatory wars of plunder...wars for the division of the world.’⁹ Just to make it more blatant, Americans got to see Bechtel Corp and Haliburton aligned with the US military via Vice President Dick Cheney.
On the other hand, critics have identified weaknesses in Lenin’s argument. The export of capital to the Third World is not a dominating factor in the global imperialist system, as Lenin believed; and reformism in the Western labour movement can’t be explained by a transfer of wealth from the colonies to a privileged section of the working class, as Lenin also thought.¹⁰ Confusions of this kind are hardly surprising. Lenin was engaged in an urgent recasting of Marxist theory overall, with the aim of understanding the global catastrophe of the war and charting a path to socialist revolution. The ideas he got out of such an ambitious project, nearly a century ago, are bound to look a bit rough today.
The specifics of Australian history pose further challenges to constructing a Leninist analysis. If imperialism is identical with the ‘monopoly stage of capitalism,’ as Lenin argued, did colonial Australia fit the bill? If an imperial power is, ipso facto, ‘ripe’ for nationalisation – as Lenin believed – can that apply to antipodean colonial enterprises? The Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR) was an imperial