Still in Chains: New Edited Version
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The book touches on the assistance from Cuba in the South African freedom struggle, the civil wars in Angola, Mozambique and Namibia, and how this resulted in the end of the Apartheid regime inside South Africa. This led to the freeing of Nelson Mandela — a significant element that played influence to the economic and political strategy of Grenada and the English-speaking Caribbean.
As a young activist Clarence focused heavily on the black struggle, the fight against racism and the struggle for equal rights for all — a catalyst that led to his research into African and Caribbean history, slavery and the struggle of slave descendants throughout Europe, Africa and the Caribbean.
Clarence C Baker
CLARENCE BAKER arrived in London from Grenada in 1963, at school he wanted to be a journalist but due to strict racial profiling at the time many Caribbean children being amongst the first generation of West Indian children to attend school in the United Kingdom the school system seemed to have designed a policy that pushed many into leaving school early and becoming apprentice, rather than staying on at school to further their education. As a result, much of the things leading to his Career first in music, then in community work and then into media as a program development manager, for television, producer and then program and operations manager for television was learnt outside of school.
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Still in Chains - Clarence C Baker
© 2021 Clarence C Baker. All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author.
Published by AuthorHouse 06/03/2021
ISBN: 978-1-6655-8406-7 (sc)
ISBN: 978-1-6655-8405-0 (e)
Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Getty Images are models,
and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only.
Certain stock imagery © Getty Images.
Because of the dynamic nature of the Internet, any web addresses or links contained in this book may have changed since publication and may no longer be valid. The views expressed in this work are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the publisher, and the publisher hereby disclaims any responsibility for them.
CONTENTS
Preface
Chapter 1 Grenada to the fore
Chapter 2 Unity and division among the Caribbean islands
Chapter 3 Cuba and the global struggles against oppression
Chapter 4 The Grenadian and Caribbean heritage
Chapter 5 The continuing legacy of enslavement and the failure of local leaders
Chapter 6 Eric Gairy: from trade unionist to independence leader, to prime minister, to deposed autocrat
Chapter 7 The Grenadian Revolution
Chapter 8 The downfall of the revolution
Chapter 9 After the invasion – The Interim Advisory Council; the elections of 1984; The New National Party and the premiership of Herbert Blaize
Chapter 10 The NDC in power: Part 1
Chapter 11 Thirteen years of Dr. Keith Mitchell and the NNP
Chapter 12 Tillman Thomas and the second NDC administration 2008 - 2013
Chapter 13 A story of wasted opportunities
PREFACE
S till in Chains is based on the historical, cultural and economic evolution of the English-speaking West Indies, with Grenada — one of the smaller islands in the Southern Caribbean — being the first and only English-speaking island to have had a full-scale revolution at its centre.
The book will touch the consciousness of its white readers whilst bringing awareness to all readers of colour, as it seeks to critically explore the arrival of the Europeans, the slave trade, the struggle for emancipation, independence and the ongoing struggle in establishing a solid political and economic platform, as individual small island states.
It seeks to place the Grenada Revolution, its demise and the American intervention into context as it relates to the then Cold War between the world’s two superpowers — America and the Soviet Union, at the time. The book also highlights Cuba’s involvement in, and assistance to, the revolutionary movements throughout that time, especially in Southern Africa with the struggle against Apartheid and fight for independence in Angola, Namibia, and Mozambique (leading to the freedom of Nelson Mandela and the dismantlement of Apartheid).
Still in Chains looks at the culmination of the political aftermath caused by America’s intervention in Grenada, and the ongoing search for stability as the island grapples with the current political realities, in which politicians continue to sacrifice the interest of the people for self-gratification. Furthermore, it discusses the current decisions by Grenada’s government to create a dependency on foreign investment, rather than investing in the ability of its own people, to consolidate the island’s independence, beneficial to the present and future generations.
CHAPTER 1
GRENADA TO THE FORE
I walked around the Island of Grenada in 1984, ten years after the island’s independence from Britain which took place under the Right Honourable Eric Gairy in 1974. It was four years since the overthrow of his government by Maurice Bishop and the revolutionary forces in 1979. It was exactly one year since the overthrow of the revolutionary government and the execution of prime minister Maurice Bishop and his followers. This had been followed by the American invasion, in collaboration with right-wing Caribbean governments spearheaded by Eugenia Charles of Dominica, who at the time headed one of the most right-wing governments in the region.
It was my first visit to the island since leaving for London as an eleven-year-old child in 1964 and now it seemed like I had chosen the most critical time to return. Like most other Grenadians of my generation who arrived in London during the sixties, I was a militant young man growing up in London. Following the revolution in 1979 we were filled with pride, for we were all fully fledged supporters of the Revolution.
Coming from a small island, we were always outshone by the Jamaicans and to some extent Trinidadians, for we were known as the small islanders
. Jamaica was the largest of the islands and the Jamaicans dominated in every area. Culturally on the streets of London they shone, whilst those of us from the smaller islands such as Grenada, Dominica, St Lucia, St. Vincent and others were rather more passive. Jamaicans were bold and up front, they would not take fools gladly, they were quick to retaliate and always ready to defend. As a result, the Jamaicans became the leading force on the streets of London, for everyone wanted to be like them.
However, following the Grenadian Revolution in 1979, things began to change. For the first time Grenadian youths now had a voice, we were proud, we were walking tall, as everyone threw their weight behind the people of Grenada. Without a doubt it was a proud moment in our history as Grenadians. In four eventful years we supported and witnessed the rapid development of the island and the progress taking place, which coupled with the defiant rhetoric of our leader Maurice Bishop had the whole world taking notice.
1979 was a year of defiance throughout South America, nations were attempting to define their destiny. The Grenadian revolution took place amidst much worldwide activity. In Nicaragua following years of opposition to the fascist Somoza regime, which was armed and supported by the United States, the FSLN National Liberation Front led by Daniel Ortega finally overthrew the Somoza regime in 1978-79. The United States launched bitter opposition to the revolutionary forces.
In addition to the revolution in Nicaragua there was action taking place elsewhere. The Cold War was at its peak, as the United States and the Soviet Union moved to advance and impose their dominance on Developing Nations. The United States under Ronald Reagan as president were convinced that if the Grenadian Revolution was allowed to succeed it would have a serious influence on the rest of the English-speaking Caribbean. As a result, the Americans placed maximum effort on destabilizing Grenada. In order to survive, the leadership in Grenada was pushed closer towards the Soviet Union and North Korea, with Cuba becoming its main supporter as it aligned itself with other revolutionary forces internationally,
Neo-colonist right-wing governments in the region, which had been surviving from the scraps handed down from their master’s tables
, looked on with amazement at the rapid advancement of the Grenadian people under the direction of the revolutionary government. Concern was growing, leaders were becoming afraid, because people all over the Caribbean were becoming inspired by what was happening in that tiny island situated in the southern part of the Eastern Caribbean.
As concern grew amongst the Caribbean elite, frightened for their own existence and determined to ensure that the Grenadian Revolution should not spread throughout the region, the great conspiracy began. Meanwhile, the United States was adamant that the revolution should be brought to an end, whilst the Soviet Union and its allies were pushing their own objectives. They were determined to maintain an influence on what was happening on America’s doorstep.
The People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) had taken control in Grenada after the New Jewel Movement seized power in what was mostly a bloodless revolution on 13 March, 1979. It was led by Maurice Bishop and Bernard Coard, who although childhood friends that had first met in 1957 at the age of 12, were vastly different characters.
Maurice Bishop was a man of the people who was greatly loved by the people, whilst Bernard Coard was much more hawkish with a regimented military style. As such, Maurice became prime minister following the revolution with Bernard as his deputy. A situation which by all accounts would leave room for manipulation by the enemies of the revolution.
By 1983 although much of the noise coming out of the United States pointed to some form of American intervention against the island, Ronald Reagan was prepared to bide his time. Grenada was a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, under the sovereignty of the United Kingdom with the Queen at its head, so in order to launch an invasion, the Americans would have to gain the approval of the UK. Although Margret Thatcher, the prime minister of the UK at the time, was extremely close to Reagan, gaining the approval of the Queen would be much more difficult.
Throughout 1983 the Americans