The Doctor from the East

By Asif Javed

Good writings defy time and immediate surroundings to sustain their appeal. The entrancing aura of a well-knit article or story is lasting. Surely, Hardy's rustic Tess or Jude couldn't be out of sync in the year 2020 for technology savvy readers obsessed with Instagram, Twitter, Facebook and accompanying high-tech spinoffs.
Without being extravagant with words, one may say the same is true of Dr. Asif Javed's writings. Insightful and instructive, they are studded with revealing facts that are well documented to testify to the innate truth. The gifted writer tells us of the life and time of the Bronte Sisters, Ibn Batuta, Leo Tolstoy, Rudyard Kipling, Nawab of Kalabagh, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto et al. In more ways than one, the articles remind the reader of Dale Carnegie's 'Little Known Facts about Well-Known People'.
Today, he is one of the most fluent and readable purveyors of the English language in the Pakistani American community. His writings have ranged from Punjab politics to port-partition Indian cinema, to English literature, to the Tsarist wars in Dagestan. All the time, he manages to convey, seemingly dense subjects in a seamless flowing style, making his writings a treat to read.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: May 17, 2020
• ISBN: 9781984579355

Book preview

A Tale of Two Countries

Once upon a time, there was a country. Its vast territories encompassed three continents. It also had a mighty army. In the year 1326, it was ruled by Orkhan. He was the son of Osman, the founder of this legendary Ottoman Empire. Orkhan was a wise ruler, and he came up with a novel idea. He recruited in to his army from among Christians a picked and disciplined infantry force to serve the Sultan in person, writes Lord Kinross in The Ottoman Centuries. This was the corps of Janissaries . . . they were now developed by Murad [the third Ottoman sultan] in to a militia . . . handpicked for their virility, physique, and intelligence, inflexibly trained, strictly disciplined, and inured to all forms of hardship, they were like monks . . . their lives became dedicated to military service under the Sultan’s direction.

Little did Orkhan and Murad realize that the Janissaries were to influence the destiny of their nation for centuries. The Janissaries soon developed a reputation to be invincible. In 1402, when Amir Timur threatened Bayezid, the Ottoman sultan’s reply to the invader from Central Asia showed his confidence in the Janissaries:

Thy armies are innumerable; be they so; but what are the arrows of the flying Tartar against the scimitars and battle-axes of my firm and invincible Janissaries.

The Janissaries were to lead the Ottoman Empire to countless glorious victories, including the capture of Constantinople in 1453. Ironically, they were also to be one of the reasons for its downfall.

The Ottoman Empire’s slow decline began in 1566 after the death of Süleyman the Magnificent. Over the following three and a half centuries, it went through numerous upheavals: frequent wars with its hostile neighbors, incompetent sultans and grand viziers, rampant corruption, and intrigues of the harm among many others. By the sixteenth century, as Europe came out of medieval darkness and started to go through Renaissance, the Ottoman Empire started to fall behind. Their military development had failed to keep pace with that of the West, writes Kinross. There were some sultans and grand viziers here and there who recognized this and wanted to reform the army. They were aware that, to the north, Peter the Great had modernized the Russian army and navy and made no secret of his hostility toward Ottomans. There were wars also off and on with Habsburg Austria to the west and with Safavid Persia to the east. Most such attempts at reformation failed, however, because of the Janissaries. Their rebellious inclinations had been noted for years . . . They had lost their discipline and zeal for war, notes Kinross. But they continued to resist reform:

From the last decade of 16th century onward, they became, as their masters the Sultans grew weaker, progressively more turbulent and exacting in their demands . . . In 1589, they gave serious trouble to Murad . . . For the first time in history, they stormed their way into the Seraglio [palace], where the Divan was in session, and demanded the heads of the ministers . . . Rather than face the insurgent troops in person, the Sultan bowed the knee to their superior force by sanctioning the executions. Twice more during the next three years, they drove home their advantage, demanding and securing the deposition of two successive Grand-Vazirs. . . . The Janissaries had indeed begun to present a serious threat to the Empire. For centuries the strong arm of the Ottoman forces in their imperial conquests, they were now in their greed and indiscipline deteriorating as a warlike force abroad and developing in to a subversive force at home . . . In the capital, as one inadequate Sultan followed another, they came to be a dominant power and a focus of sedition. . . . The eighteen-year-old Sultan Osman, stung to indignation by the stigma of becoming subject to his own slaves devised an elaborate scheme to counter this threat to his sovereignty.

Unfortunately, the young sultan’s plan for the suppression of the Janissaries—which needed topmost secrecy—was leaked with disastrous results: the Janissaries stormed his palace and tore the grand vizier to pieces. As far the unfortunate sultan Osman, he was humiliated in public, deposed, imprisoned, and then executed. Thus ended the first serious attempt by an Ottoman ruler to control the Janissaries.

After this tragic failure, the Ottoman Empire once again relapsed in to anarchy whereby meek Sultans were too scared of confronting Janissaries. In 1730, the Janissaries had yet another mutiny on some flimsy ground and forced Sultan Ahmad III to hand over to them the grand vizier, the chief admiral, and another senior official; all three were strangled to death. A terrified sultan was asked to abdicate. Fearful for life, he promptly obliged. The Janissaries’ reign of terror continued.

Two centuries passed. In 1826, another eighteen-year-old—Sultan Mahmud II—was on the throne. Mahmud finally showed the resolve to deal with the menace of the Janissaries. Aware of the risks involved and the tragic fate of his ancestor, Sultan Osman, Mahmud made his move with utmost prudence. Here is Lord Kinross’s narration from The Ottoman Centuries:

The way thus now lay open for the elimination of the most powerful enemy within the Ottoman state, the corps of Janissaries . . . the chief source of the rot at the core . . . For his coup against the Janissaries, the Sultan had prepared his own troops in advance, foreseeing fierce conflict in the streets and thus concentrated on the enlargement and improvement of his force of artillery, which alone could ensure their destruction. . . . He entrusted its command to officers picked for their loyalty, under a general so ruthless as to earn in the ensuing slaughter the name of Black Hell. . . . As the Sultan had anticipated, the Janissaries refused to accept this provision (reforms policy). Once more they overturned their camp kettles in the traditional gesture of revolt . . . bent on massacre, they advanced on the Sultan’s palace, crying for the heads of his chief ministers . . . But this time, Sultan was prepared for them. His troops and artillery were ready for action . . . As the mob of Janissaries pressed through the narrow streets towards Seraglio, the guns opened fire from its walls, cutting swaths through their columns as they fell helpless against an unrelenting blast of grapeshot . . . they retreated to within the walls of their barracks, to barricade themselves against an expected assault. . . . But no assault came. . . . Instead, Sultan’s heavy artillery thundered shells in to the barracks, setting them on fire and soon laying them in ruins, while four thousand of the mutineers perished. Such, within little more than half an hour, was the extermination by modern arms of the nucleus of a military force five centuries old . . . It was completed with unremitting severity, by the slaughter throughout the provinces of thousands more. On the same day the Sultan abolished, by proclamation, the corps of the Janissaries; their name was proscribed and their standards destroyed.

And so it came to pass that, in the blessed year of 1826, with one bold stroke of Mahmud II, the Janissaries were eliminated once for all. What had become a clear and present danger to the state, and to the very person of the sultan, was no more. They were liquidated to the very last man, notes Kinross.

And that brings our tale to the other country, Pakistan. Our Islamic republic has its own version of Janissaries to deal with. The Ottoman Janissaries passed into oblivion two hundred years ago, but their successors have recently emerged in Pakistan. They are not hard to identify. Just juxtapose the pictures of the original Janissaries with those of Khadim Rizvi, Abdul Aziz (Lal Masjid fame), et al., and there you have it. The current PM has been to Oxford. History may not have been his subject at the illustrious place of learning. He may not have heard of the Janissaries.

But as these lines are being written, a group of mullahs is being shown on TV. Ferocious in their looks and ignorant to the core in their beliefs, they are asking for the head of the chief justice of the highest court in the land. Their audacity is there for all to see. At their command is a hysterical mob blocking a major road and threatening to wreak vengeance on the innocent citizens. Quaid’s Pakistan, the sixth largest country in the world with a professional army and an atomic power, has been allowed to become hostage to a few. The nation finds itself utterly at the mercy of a few zealots. Z. A. Bhutto’s unwise decision, in 1973, to yield to religious fanatics, followed by their appeasement by the cunning Zia-ul-Haq, has brought our nation to the brink of anarchy. The current government has the support of judiciary and military. Vast majority of the people are fed up with the religious bigots.

It was the best of times; it was, also, the worst of times, writes Charles Dickens in The Tale of Two Cities. Dickens had been writing of the reign of terror that had taken over Paris during the French Revolution. But the great storyteller might as well have been referring to Pakistan. But a well-planned, properly executed action, like the one by Sultan Mahmud II two hundred years ago, may still change the worst of our times to the best of times.

Reference: The Ottoman Centuries by Lord Kinross

The Greatness of

Al-Andalus: Myth or Reality

Legend had it that Abu Abdullah—the last Muslim ruler of Granada—stood at a vantage point outside Granada before finally leaving the land of his proud ancestors for good on his way to Africa. Tears in his eyes were noticed by his mother, who scolded him, If you were unable to defend your kingdom like a man, at least do not shed tears like a woman. Hours earlier, he had tamely surrendered his kingdom to the joint Christian forces of Ferdinand and Isabella, finally bringing to an end the Islamic rule in the Iberian Peninsula.

Some seven centuries earlier, an expedition had moved in the opposite direction in 711, having crossed the strait that divides southern Europe from North Africa. It was led by a Berber by the name of Tariq ibn Ziyad. Under his command was a force of seven thousand men, mostly Berbers, although the overall command remained in the hands of Musa ibn Nusayr, who was the Umayyad governor of northwest Africa, a province of the Umayyad caliphate based in Damascus. Victory after victory followed, and in a little over five years, most—but not all—of the Iberian Peninsula was securely in the hands of Muslims. Tariq was joined by Musa himself the following year before the later was recalled to Damascus. Musa was never to return. There are various legends about his ill treatment by the caliph and his difficult last days spent in extreme poverty or captivity. Not much was known of Tariq after his military mission was accomplished.

In 732, the Muslim army moved farther north and kept going until it was finally defeated in the Battle of Tours in central France. The Battle of Tours was one of the most decisive battles in history since it represented the high-water mark of the Muslim invasion of Europe. Never before or since had they gone so far into western Europe. Perhaps this defeat was merely a reflection of the fact that Muslims were far from their base, and the man power may have been stretched to the very limit; the setback at Tours was the end of advance into Europe.

The Islamic rule in Spain—renamed Al-Andalus by the Muslims—continued in one shape or form from 711 to 1492, but unlike the other long dynasties—for instance, the Ottoman Turks or Moguls—it was far from a single dynasty. For the first forty years or so, Al-Andalus was a province of the Umayyad caliphate based in Damascus. In 750, there was a violent overthrow of Umayyads by Abbasids, who moved the capital to Baghdad. The male Umayyads were massacred, all but one. The lone survivor was a young man of twenty who fled to Morocco—in disguise—to his mother’s family. His name was Abd ar-Rahman, who was to found one of the great dynasties of its time a few years later. As was expected, the passing of the caliphate to Abbasids merely changed the loyalty of the governor of Al-Andalus; it continued to be a province of the caliphate as before.

In 756, Abd ar-Rahman moved north across the Strait of Gibraltar, defeated the Abbasid governor of Al-Andalus in a battle, and established the independent emirate of Al-Andalus. This started the second phase of Islamic rule in the Iberian Peninsula. Over the following 250 years, Abd ar-Rahman and his able successors made Al-Andalus the envy of Europe. The Islamic Spain was wealthy and culturally diverse and had an efficient government and a strong professional army. The population was a mixture of men of Iberian stock, Berbers and Arabs. The Umayyad Spain seemed to have reached its zenith in the tenth century. At the time, its prestige was such that many Christian states up north were its vassals, and its influence extended even into northern Morocco.

The decline of Umayyad Spain was relatively sudden and unexpected. From the height of its glory, it fell into a civil war and, by 1031, had thirty independent city-states competing and fighting with one another. The Umayyad caliphate was effectively over. The reasons were many and beyond the scope of this article. This period of anarchy was referred to as the era of party kings.

The hostile Christian states in the north were watching the disintegration of Al-Andalus and made some threatening moves. At this juncture, Muslims looked to the south for help from a fellow Muslim. The powerful ruler of Morocco and Algeria of the Almoravid Dynasty was happy to oblige. His name was Yusuf ibn Tashufin. Yusuf came to Spain in 1086, inflicted a crushing defeat to the Christians in the Battle of al-Zallaqah, and so began the next phase of Islamic rule in Spain known as the Almoravid period. This was the first Berber dynasty to rule Spain that lasted almost fifty years. In this, Al-Andalus was effectively a province of the Almoravid Empire based in North Africa. In 1170, Almoravids were replaced by Almohads in Africa, and Al-Andalus became a province of their empire.

By this time, however, the Christian forces were on the march and had started the Reconquista. There was a decisive victory for the Christians over Almohads at Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 that effectively restored Christian rule of the Iberian Peninsula. There was one exception to this in the southeast of Spain, a small Muslim state that measured 240 by 70 miles. This was to last almost 250 years and was the kingdom of Granada; this was the very last phase of Muslim rule in Spain.

Founded in the year 1231 by ibn Nasr, an Arab from Medina, Granada managed to survive that long despite heavy odds due to its mountainous terrain, proximity to Muslim Morocco, and careful diplomacy that made it become a vassal state of the Christian north at times. It was a prosperous kingdom with limited military resources that eventually became weak due to infighting, mostly quarrels of succession, among the ruling elite. It surrendered to the joint forces of Castile and Aragon in 1492.

Despite the end of Muslim rule in 1492, there were hundreds of thousands of Muslims in Spain who continued to live under the Christian rule. Initially, they were treated well; but by 1499, intolerance had set in. Muslims as well as Jews were given the option of baptism or forced exile. Historians reported that close to half a million moved to North Africa, where to this day there were small enclaves of Al-Andalus.

What is the legacy of Islamic Spain? It is ironic that most of the great cultural achievements belong to the latter part of the Islamic rule when its political power has been in the decline. There is Alhambra, a fortress-cum-palace in Granada, constructed in the fourteenth century. The great mosque of Cordova and the palace city of Madinat al-Zahra, recently excavated and partially restored, are other good examples of Umayyad architecture.

Ibn Zaydun’s poetry in the eleventh century has been outstanding, as has been Ibn Hazm’s book on sects, widely believed to be the first ever work on the comparative religion. There are many other scholars with significant contributions to the cultural greatness of Al-Andalus, but one that towers above everybody else, undoubtedly, is Ibn-Rushd (1126–98), known as Averroës to the West. Ibn-Rushd has been an outstanding jurist, and his name is frequently mentioned among the greatest philosophers of all time. He was an Aristotelian scholar par excellence and, with his deep penetration into the thought of Aristotle, wrote commentaries on his works, which were subsequently translated into many European languages. Maimonides, Ibn al-Khatib, Ibn Bajjah, Ibn Tufayl, and many others have been all scholars of merit. Ibn-Khaldūn, the author of that remarkable historical work Muqaddimah, though born and based in Tunis, had come from an Arab family of Spain and spent years in Granada. Some critics believe that there is a major Andalusian influence in his work. Ibn Juzzay, who helped Ibn Battuta with the writing and editing of his travel book Rihlah, had also come from Granada. The list goes on and on.

Montgomery Watt, in his excellent book A History of Islamic Spain, quotes an economic historian: If the north wanted best in science, medicine, agriculture, industry or civilized living, it must go to Spain to learn. In the same book, he reports a Christian writer who complained that fellow Christians were so taken with the Arabic language and its literature as to neglect and even express contempt for Latin texts. And what did the Christians see when they retook Seville in 1248? Here are the words of Americo Castro: Those victorious armies could not repress their astonishment upon beholding the grandeur of Seville; the Christians had never possessed anything similar in art, economic splendor, civil organization, technology and scientific and literary productivity. The intrinsic greatness of Al-Andalus is perhaps expressed best by that great Islamic scholar, the late Montgomery Watt, who wrote: The life of Al-Andalus is indeed a noble facet of total experience of mankind.

Reference: A History of Islamic Spain by Montgomery Watt

Atatürk: The Nation Builder

As a young army officer, Mustafa Kemal (MK) once told a friend, I am going to make you PM of our country one day.

And what will you be? asked his surprised friend.

The one who appoints PM, Mustafa Kemal said.

Enver Pasa, one of the founders of Young Turks, was his superior in the army. While approving Kemal for promotion, he remarked, Once he is a general, he will like to be sultan; once a sultan, he will like to be God.

The above two incidents should leave no doubt in the reader’s mind that the founder of modern Turkey was ambitious and did not hesitate to proclaim his greatness.

Born in Thessaloníki—now in northern Greece—MK’s family was precariously middle class. His paternal grandfather may have been of Albanian origin. His father, Ali Riza, was a junior civil servant who died when MK was seven or eight. Years later, when shown a picture of his father, MK remarked, This is not my father. His mother, Zubaida, remarried while MK continued his education.

Two years before MK’s birth, the Russian army was encamped just a few miles from Istanbul while, only two hundred years earlier, the Ottomans had laid siege to Vienna; this was how far the once invincible Ottoman Empire had declined. By the time MK got his commission in the army, the First World War was raging. The Turks were under attack from multiple hostile neighbors. It was after defeat in the war, followed by the flight of the leaders of Young Turks, that MK emerged as a leader who is now remembered as a radical modernizer and nation builder.

In April 1915, three-quarters of a million soldiers were crammed into the Gallipoli Peninsula; the sole objective of the Allies was the Ottoman capital, Istanbul. There are only a few times in the life of individuals as well as nations that make or break them; for MK, Gallipoli was that moment, and he seized it. There is a statement attributed to MK that has become part of the folklore of the Turkish war of independence: MK issued an order to his regiment that he wanted them to die for him. In the ensuing furious hand-to-hand fighting, most of his regiment was wiped out, but the Turkish line held, until reinforcement arrived to save the day. The Allies had to withdraw, much to the chagrin of a young Winston Churchill, then a young lord of the Admiralty. In 2010, while visiting Gallipoli, this writer came upon the graves of three Indian soldiers—Imam Din, Allah Ditta, and Hussain Khan—who were made to fight against their fellow Muslims by the British Indian Army. It is interesting to note that, in the fog of war, MK’s exploits at Gallipoli remained largely unnoticed until an interview that he gave almost three years later; it was only then that he was rightfully acknowledged as the victor of Gallipoli and savior of Istanbul.

By all accounts, MK was handsome; he was of fair color and had piercing blue eyes. He liked women and had had numerous affairs. Even later in life, he was not always discreet about it. He liked to smoke, drank alcohol, and frequented nightclubs. Once at a ball, he danced with the beautiful daughter of the French ambassador and, under the influence of alcohol, started to kiss her while in full view of guests. MK hated signs of oriental life; he disliked baggy trousers and was fluent in French but could hardly speak Arabic. He was obsessed with order, good clothes, and cleanliness.

MK’s nationalist fervor had become a legend; once, he overheard a Turkish officer admonishing a junior fellow officer who was upset with an Arab soldier. Having heard a statement that Arabs were a race to be respected and were superior to Turks, MK was furious and made