The Real History of Ireland Warts and All

By Desmond Keenan

After I began my researches into Irish history I became more and more dissatisfied with the existing stereotyped model of the supposed centuries old conflict with the English. One day I went into a bookshop to purchase a greatly-hyped History of modern Ireland, and I found that the chapter headings had scarcely changed in a hundred years. A version of Irish history had been set in the nineteenth century, and accepted as true ever after. Next, I happened to purchase out of curiosity a copy of Adolf Hitlers Mein Kampf. I was rather astounded to find that the version of German history Hitler preached was uncannily like the version of Irish history I had been taught in school. Both were derived from the racial theories of the early nineteenth century, of the special Geist or genius of each race, and the Darwinian Rassenkampf or wars of the races, resulting in the survival of the fittest or strongest. Thirdly, when preparing my doctoral thesis I quoted a world-famous authority on some point or another, only for my supervisor to ask me where I got that idea from. (He was an authority on the point.) I resolved to check every fact, never to rely on a single source, and to accept no mans conclusions merely on his reputation. (O si sic omnes).

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Sep 4, 2015
• ISBN: 9781503574458

Desmond Keenan

The author was born in Ireland, studied economics and sociology at The Queen’s University of Belfast, Northern Ireland. He completed a doctoral thesis on the Catholic Church in Ireland in the early nineteenth century. Afterwards, he continued his research in the British Library and British Newspaper Library, London (UK).

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Copyright © 2015 by Desmond Keenan.

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CONTENTS

Dedication

Introduction

Chapter One The Iron Age

Ireland in the Roman Period (100 to 400 AD)

Chapter Two The Christian Period (400-800 AD)

The Fifth Century or ‘Patrician’ Age

The Beginnings of Christianity

The Sixth Century

Development of the Church

Monasticism in Ireland

Seventh and Eighth Centuries

Chapter Three The Dark Ages (800-1000 AD)

The Ninth Century

The Tenth Century

The Eleventh Century

The Twelfth Century

Chapter Four The Middle Ages

Ireland in the Middle Ages

Phase 1 The Expansion

Phase 2 The Equilibrium

Phase 3 The Weakness of the Lordship

Phase 4 The Revival

Chapter Five The Tudors

Henry VIII, Edward, and Mary

Edward VI, 1547-1555

Queen Mary 1553-1558

Elizabeth I

Chapter Six The Stuarts

Introduction

James I 1603-1625

Charles I 1625 to 1643

The Response of the Government

Charles I 1644 to 1649

The Commonwealth 1649 to 1660

The Restoration Monarchy 1661 to 1685

James II 1685 to 1691

William III 1690 to 1702

Queen Anne 1702 to 1714

Chapter Seven The Hanoverians

George I 1714 to 1727

George II 1727 to 1760

George III 1760 to 1782

George III 1782 to 1795

George III 1795 to 1800

Chapter Eight Ireland within the Union

George III of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

George IV 1820-1829

Reign of William IV

Queen Victoria

Edward VII

George V

DEDICATION

Audi Alteram Partem, Listen to the other side

To Paul Bew, my fellow researcher in the Newspaper Library, who encouraged me in my work.

INTRODUCTION

After I began my researches into Irish history I became more and more dissatisfied with the existing stereotyped model of the supposed centuries old conflict with the English. One day I went into a bookshop to purchase a greatly-hyped History of modern Ireland, and I found that the chapter headings had scarcely changed in a hundred years. A version of Irish history had been set in the nineteenth century, and accepted as true ever after. Next, I happened to purchase out of curiosity a copy of Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf. I was rather astounded to find that the version of German history Hitler preached was uncannily like the version of Irish history I had been taught in school. Both were derived from the racial theories of the early nineteenth century, of the special Geist or genius of each race, and the Darwinian Rassenkampf or wars of the races, resulting in the survival of the fittest or strongest. Thirdly, when preparing my doctoral thesis I quoted a world-famous authority on some point or another, only for my supervisor to ask me where I got that idea from. (He was an authority on the point.) I resolved to check every fact, never to rely on a single source, and to accept no man’s conclusions merely on his reputation. (O si sic omnes).

The mythological account of Irish history which was taught in Catholic schools in the first half of the 20th century was much as follows. Ireland was occupied and owned by a Celtic race who spoke Goidelic or Gaelic and were ruled by a high king according to the excellent Brehon Law. They were converted to Christianity by Saint Patrick and became a happy island of saints and scholars. They also excelled at the arts and developed ‘Celtic art’ to a high degree. They sent missionaries abroad to convert pagans in Europe. This happy state was ended by the incursions of the Vikings, but the brave chiefs fought against them and they were eventually crushed by the saintly Brian Boru at the battle of Clontarf in 1014. After the death of Brian there followed a period of ‘high kings with opposition’ until the coming of the Normans. The Norman king, Henry II, led a great army into Ireland and conquered it. The high king and the other lesser kings were forced to submit to foreign rule, but in every generation afterwards fought for Irish freedom. British misrule continued for several hundred years but was always opposed by the ‘Irish’. Protestant foreigners occupied Ireland and the Celts, the true owners of Ireland, were now represented by the Catholics who were virtually reduced to servitude by the Penal Laws against them. All Protestants were foreigners.

In the 19th century there arose a great Catholic leader, Daniel O’Connell, who taught the Catholics to stand up for their rights. He was mistaken in believing that ‘freedom for the Irish’ could be attained by political means alone. However, in the 20th century there arose another great Catholic leader, Patrick Pearse, who said that England could only be defeated by force. ‘In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty; six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in arms.’ Following his example the Irish Republican Army drove the mighty British Army out of Inland. Opinion was divided on whether it was advisable to accept the partition of Ireland. Needless to say, there was not the slightest bit of truth in this mythological version.

I came to the following conclusions. (1)There were no such things as races; (2) there never was a Rassenkampf; (3) Celtic was merely a language, not a race, form of art, form of weapons, or form of Church. Always use Iron Age instead; (4) there never was a kingdom of Ireland before Henry VIII. Warlords might exact tribute from the whole of Ireland but only as long as they could hold them down militarily; (5) there never was 800 years of British misrule in Ireland. That was just a political slogan; (6) there never was 8oo years of English or British rule in Ireland. There was an Irish Government since the 12th century composed of Irishmen; (7) there never was a Norman conquest of Ireland; (8) there never was a struggle between Gael and Norman in Ireland. Families inter-married from the very beginning; (9) religion was not an issue at the time of the Reformation; land was; (10) the people of Ireland, the Irish were never consulted. All decisions were made by chiefs who had their own local agendas; (11) you should never attribute motives without researching what they actually were; (12) never use unsubstantiated terms of abuse with regard to those you dislike and reserve terms of praise for those you support; (13) never believe that ‘freedom fighters’ were only interested in the welfare of their country and never thought of how they themselves might profit by it. This was the elephant in the room, never to be referred to or admitted. A struggle for freedom or independence was a struggle to control the rackets. More specifically, to transfer to transfer the control of bribery and patronage from Protestants hands into Catholic hands: to bring Tammany Hall to Dublin.

Yet one reads articles in Wikipedia, often correct in detail, and are told of battles between the English army led by the Lord Deputy and the Irish. We find that the ‘English’ army was composed of Irishmen and the ‘armies’ of O’Donnell and Maguire were composed of Scottish mercenaries. Almost invariably too the Irish Government army is put under the flag of England, while rebel forces are put under a supposed flag of Ireland. Such misconceptions are common.

While researching I discovered that social and economic historians were the least bound by the racist-fascist model. In political history monographs on particular topics were likely to be confined to the facts. So too were archaeological studies. The authors of general histories and popular histories generally followed the account of a long-suffering people oppressed by foreigners and always fighting back. As for schoolbooks, historical facts are rarely suitable for schoolchildren.

Therefore, when writing this book, I carefully took care of the 13 points listed above. The result, I like to believe, is a more credible version of what actually happened.

CHAPTER ONE

The Iron Age

Pre-historic Ireland from the end of the Ice Age until the end of the Bronze Age belongs to the science of archaeology. Inferences are made from material objects like stone monuments, stone tools and weapons, arrow tips, skeletons and so on. Philology is also used in tracing the development of the Indo-European languages, though it is extremely difficult to tie the two together. History is derived from written records which are found in the Middle East and southern Europe for millennia. Some of these writings refer to the peoples of northern Europe. The Roman writer, Julius Caesar wrote copiously about northern France, Belgium and southern Britain but not about Ireland. Still, in the Roman period, up to the time of the introduction of writing by the Christian missionaries, we can glean something from these continental records.

The Iron Age in Ireland is one of the most obscure. The wealth of material objects of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages disappears. Still some questions with regard to the Iron Age must be considered. One is when a Celtic language came to Ireland. The other is who brought it. We know that at the time of St. Patrick (5th century AD) there was a Celtic-speaking ruling class in Ireland whose language had close connections with British and Gaulish. How did this come about? We have no written records.There is no consensus regarding the time the Celtic language arrived. Cunliffe considers that a form of Celtic was being spoken in Ireland by at least 500 BC. It is however unlikely that Celtic was spoken in Ireland before the expansion of the Celtic-speakers after 400 BC. Raftery seems to prefer a date in the La Tène period, three or four hundred years later. Roman writers do not refer to a distinct language from British spoken in Ireland in their time, and indeed included the ‘British Isles’ under a single name. This obscure period of the Irish Iron Age (600 BC to 500 AD) is the most likely time to date the arrival of Celtic language.

The only certain fact is that when writing was introduced to Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries BC, a Celtic language similar to that in Britain was spoken. The major question is with regard to conjectures when and how the people of Ireland came to be speaking a Celtic language. It is however unlikely that Celtic was spoken in Ireland before the expansion of the Celtic-speakers on the Continent after 400 BC. Raftery seems to prefer a date in the La Tène period, three or four hundred years later. Roman writers do not refer to a distinct language from British spoken in Ireland in their time, and indeed included the ‘British Isles’ under a single name. This obscure period of the Irish Iron Age (600 BC to 500 AD) is the most likely time to date the arrival of Celtic language. There is nothing in the archaeological record at this time or any other time to indicate the time of their arrival. The only certain fact is that when writing was introduced to Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries, a Celtic language similar to that in Britain was spoken.

The 19th century theories of Rassenkampf or race struggle have been long since abandoned. There were no waves of races of invaders distinguished by their languages, Celtic, Germanic, Italic and by styles of pottery or weapons, and wiping out the original population, sweeping across Europe eliminating the earlier races. There are no archaeological traces in Ireland of such an invasion. The consensus now is that, if any warriors did come, they were few in numbers, possibly not more than some boatloads, who conquered the island. If they did come they would have come from the Welsh and Scottish coasts opposite. The chances are that there had been inter-marriage between both sides of the Irish Sea, for centuries if not millennia, and that British would have thus been spoken all along the east coast of Ireland. Could the language have been brought by a cult of druids, or a body of merchants, for example?

Ireland in the Roman Period (100 to 400 AD)

Ireland was traditionally divided into five regions or provinces, ‘the Five Fifths of Ireland’ of which four survive. There is however no agreement as to what parts of Ireland the original five represented. They were Ulaid (Ully or Ulla) in the north, Mumu in the south, Laigin (Lagen or Line) in the east (which three later received the Norse termination -ster), Fir nOlmacht in the West, and Mide in the centre. Though Fir nOlmacht (Men of Olmacht) undoubtedly refers to a people, it is unclear if the other names refer to people or places. Fir nOlmacht was re-named Connacht (Connaught). The word Olmacht has the same formation as Connacht and Eoganacht, so all three may refer to divinities. It is not clear if Munster was always included in the five-fold division.

The darkness of the preceding centuries still prevails. The Celtic or Gaulish language was adopted, still like Welsh with P’s instead of C’s. St Patrick from Scotland still apparently spoke a common language with the inhabitants of Ireland. From Neolithic times there was been those who crossed the Irish Sea. Some of the sons of Irish chiefs may have joined the Roman army and later returned. But there are much less Roman remains than we would have expected. It would seem that at this time Ireland had little to export. Even forest products like skins and furs must have been scarce. The Romans did not occupy Ireland because there was little in it for them. Despite the Confession of St. Patrick the raiding of Roman Britain must have been rare and then mostly after the departure of the Romans in 410 AD. Ships did visit Ireland, and the main features of the Irish coast were known to merchants as can be seen from Ptolemy’s map. What was the population of Ireland about the time of the birth of Christ? The Roman general Agricola considered that Ireland could be conquered with a single legion of 6,000 troops. This would indicate that he did not expect to meet more than about 10,000 to 12,000 warriors in a pitched battle or in separate skirmishes. As the warrior class at that time probably did not exceed 5% of the population, and the warriors themselves not more than 2%, the total population could have been half a million. But if the free classes were armed and only the unfree deprived of arms, the population could have been much lower, perhaps 200,000.

With regard to Irish society at the time we are equally in the dark. It is not at all clear how far descriptions of contemporary practice in Britain and the Continent applied to Ireland, apart from what was common in the Iron Age. The religious year seems to have been divided into four quarters marked with feasts of four gods. The first was in February, Imbolc, the feast of the goddess Brigit, daughter of the Dagda, (likely from Proto-Celtic: Dagodeiwos,) the second in May the feast of Belenos (Beltaine), the third in August the feast of the god Lug (Lugos, Lughnasa), and finally the feast of the dead and the underworld, sacred to the great god, the Dagda and his mate the Morrigan (Samain). The Dagda could have come from either the Indo-European or the native religious tradition. The names of three feasts are still kept in the Gaelic calendar. The survival of the cult of the dead and the underworld should be noticed. But as de Paor notes there was much not typically Indo-European in the religion of Ireland when it was finally committed to writing. Lug was a common Celtic god, and Beltaine is usually connected with Belenos. The goddess Brigit may be connected with the Brigantes in Britain. Macha of Eamhain Mhacha, and Medb, associated with the Connacht, may be alternative names for the Mór Rigan. Nuada seems to be the same as Nodens.

After the year 300 AD there seem to have been various changes, the most notable of these being the revival of agriculture. The long period of decline came to an end and signs of tillage re-appear. Why this was so is unclear. There was no noticeable change in climate for the rate of bog increase was unchanged. Nor are there any signs of a decrease in warfare. It is thought that the difference was made by the introduction of the plough with the coulter drawn by ox-teams, This would have allowed the farmers to plough deeper and draw up minerals from a lower level, as much as nine inches. The sour acid soil that favoured the growth of heathers and birches would have been ploughed again. Even in the fallow periods trees other than birch could thrive. Some soils in Ireland are permanently fertile, but there are many soils which need long fallows and indeed become so exhausted that they return to wasteland and are reclaimed periodically.

CHAPTER TWO

The Christian Period (400-800 AD)

The Roman Empire had become officially Christian in the reign of Constantine (306-337) and the Christian religion was increasingly and openly practised throughout the Empire. The chants in the church services became more elaborate and those in Rome were collected and approved by pope St Gregory the Great (590-604), and have been known ever since as the Gregorian chant. In Britain the period commenced with the withdrawal of the imperial legions in 410 AD to meet the threat of the threat of the Visigoths. They were never to return. The Romano-British were advised to provide for their own defence against the raids of the Irish, Scots, and Picts. The century and a half between the first reported arrival of the Saxons and the mission of St. Augustine of Canterbury was a real ‘Dark Age’ in Britain, an age in which there were no written records, and about which we know virtually nothing. Warfare was endemic not only between Britons and Saxons but also between the various tribes on each side. After the battle of Deorham near Bath in 577 the Saxon-speakers reached the Severn. By 780 they reached the limit of their expansion. In 350 years they had advanced about 200 miles across England.

Roman civilisation persisted in Wales for some time longer until Wales entered its own Dark Age with no writing. The Celtic language was in a period of rapid change at this time, and by Bede’s day (700 AD), Welsh, Gaelic, and Pictish were distinct languages. In Scotland just beyond Hadrian’s Wall, St Ninian (360?-432?) established the church at Whithorn in Scotland early in the fifth century. He is said to have been a younger contemporary of St Martin of Tours (316?-397) and to have met him. It is likely that St Patrick belonged to this church and became its bishop. It was flourishing early in the sixth century. St Kentigern (518 to 603?) was the great apostle of the kingdom of Strathclyde. The church in Glasgow was founded by him. Strathclyde, whose centre was Dumbarton on the Clyde about eighty miles beyond the Wall, became a Christian chiefdom in 573.

As we would expect, the social structure among Anglo-Saxons was virtually identical with that among the Celtic-speakers. The chief was the elected leader of a warband. The choice of chief was restricted to members of certain families and the electors were similarly restricted. The earliest chiefdoms we know about were about the size of a county, and corresponded to the ruiri in Ireland. The weapons and manner of warfare were almost identical, as was dress and art. Northumbrian and Irish art are virtually indistinguishable to the untrained eye. The churls were the free cultivators who might have from thirty to a hundred acres, corresponding to the boaire. With regard to the chiefs and their athelings they were in a very weak position, and open to exploitation, as were the boaires. If he could not meet the demands of his local lord he had to borrow stock, perhaps his own stock, back from him, and became a gebur or boor, i.e. tied to the lord until the debt was discharged. This resulted usually in a permanent dependency with hereditary tributes of services, fines, and produce.

Christianity had come to Britain during the Roman occupation, and it survived the departure of the Romans. It survived most strongly in Roman cities and from there the conversion of rural Wales commenced. From the Roman city of Caerleon priests set out and converted most of Wales. Some of Wales was being converted in the second half of the fifth century at the same time as Ireland. But most of the conversion was in the sixth century as in Ireland. There may have been individual Christian rulers in Wales from 490 onwards, and all of them would have been Christian from 570. St Illtyd in Wales flourished around 520 AD. St Cynog founded churches in Brecknockshire around 500 AD. St David flourished in the second half of the 6th century. The first Saxon ruler to embrace Christianity was Ethelbert of Kent in 597. There was little difference in time between the last Welsh, Irish, and Scottish chiefs accepting Christianity, and the first of the English. Northumbria followed in 626, Wessex in 635, and Mercia, the last in 655. Christianity spread through what was to be called England at the same time and in the same way.

This period in Ireland has traditionally been regarded as that of the native Gaelic Christian civilisation uncontaminated by foreign influences, a Christian ‘Golden Age’. It was not. However there are good reasons for still considering it as a unit. The first is that we now for the first time have written records about it. It is the period following the introduction of Christianity and literacy that induced many changes in Irish society. It was before the introduction of other changes by the coming of the Vikings after 800 AD and the coming of the Normans after 1169.

The Fifth Century or ‘Patrician’ Age

With regard to political organisation the basic building block in the early historical period was still the tuath (too-a, plural tuatha too-ha) a tiny territory six or seven miles square. As far as political units, warfare, military service and tribute were concerned Ireland was divided into 3 grades of chiefs. These were the ri, the ruiri, and the ri ruirech which could be translated as the chief, the mesne chief, and the over or paramount chief. The latter can be described as the chief of a province, the mesne chief as the chief of a county, and the local chief as the chief of a barony or large medieval parish. The subordinate ri was called an oirri (urragh) or under-chief. Later a top grade was added, the ard ri, who was supposed to be king of all Ireland. This kingship was personal not institutional and only lasted as long as an individual ard ri could enforce it.

There is a complete list of kings of Tara from Niall Noígíallach (Neel Nee geelach, Niall of the nine hostages d. 453?) which can be taken as reasonably certain. The list refers of course not to the ‘high kings’ of Ireland but to the overlords or paramount chiefs of the Ui Neill family. This is the only ruling family with regard to which we have reasonable information respecting the fifth century. He was followed by his son Lóegaire (Laereh) who was killed in the wars with the Laigin. His dates are given provisionally as c 454 to c 460. Among Lóegaire’s brothers the genealogists record Conall Cremthaine from who the Southern Ui Neill claimed descent, Eogan (Owen) of Aileach from whom the Cenél Eogain of Aileach and Inishowen claimed descent, Conall Gulban from whom Cenél Conaill, of Tir Conaill, and Coirpre, besides other brothers who held lesser pieces of land in Meath. What the list of the kings of the Ui Neill gives us is a reasonably secure chronology. It should be noted that these names were only those of the ruling families from whom the chiefs were selected. They may have amounted to 5% of the population. They were by no means the whole population of their district.

The sacred site of Tara was deserted at this time. There was no royal palace there. It was a symbolic site. Whoever was chief of Tara was in theory the over-chief of the Ui Neill. There was no kingdom as such. Tales such as St Patrick meeting the high king and the druids at Tara are from a later date. But in his time Tara may have been a sacred site to which the local ruler and his druids would have to go to perform sacred rites.

The more powerful chiefs forcibly exacted tribute and assistance in battle from lesser chiefs but did not interfere in their management of their tuatha. The more powerful chief was thus enabled to increase his power by seizing lands from conquered enemies to give to members of his own families or supporters. Some lesser chiefs were in a semi-permanent state of vassalage to a superior chief. These were called urraghs (Oir ri, under king). As late as the 17th century Hugh O’Neill was still trying to retain his authority over his urraghs which the queen had declared directly subject to the crown. Amid the constant warfare there were changes over time. One branch of the Northern Ui Neill, called confusingly the Ui Neill, or O’Neills from a different Niall became the most powerful family in Ulster. The Clan Colman branch of the Southern Ui Neill in Meath became for a time the most powerful family in Ireland and then declined because of internecine conflicts.

The Beginnings of Christianity

The whole of the writing of the history of the Church in Ireland has been distorted by the development of the St Patrick legend in aid of the claims of the see of Armagh to the primacy of Ireland. The legend benefited by the fact that the only two reliable Irish writings of the fifth century were his. As much of this legend is now discounted we must make a fresh start. It is now recognised that St Patrick was not the first to convert the Irish, and was not the first bishop in Ireland. But Armagh’s based their claims to primacy and tribute on the alleged facts that it was the earliest diocese, and St Patrick founded that it in the fifth century.

The first definite mention of Christianity in Ireland recorded in writing was in the Chronicle of Prosper of Aquitaine which was completed about 450 AD. Prosper strongly opposed Pelagianism and strongly supported the teaching of St Augustine of Hippo (d. 430 AD) on this point. Under the year 431 Prosper has the cryptic note, ‘Palladius was ordained by pope Celestine, and sent to the Irish believers in Christ as their first bishop’. On this line an enormous amount of speculation was built especially regarding a supposed Gaulish mission to Ireland. It would seem that his mission was to the Laigin, and that they still controlled Tara and parts of Meath at the time. What is clear is that Palladius was ordained bishop in 431 and was sent to Ireland to the Irish believers in Christ as their first bishop. Muirchu, a biographer of St Patrick, writing two hundred and fifty years later, say that Palladius retired to Britain. If so, he was presumably a bishop there.

Palladius may, or may not, have been accompanied by three priests called Secundinus, Auxilius, and Iserninus, who may, or may not, have come from Gaul, and who may or may not have been made bishops later on. On the other hand, they may have been British priests already ministering in Leinster. References to these three are late and inconsistent, and there is no contemporary evidence that they were bishops. They undoubtedly existed, but who they were, where they came from, or who sent them is not obvious. Secundinus is associated with Dunshaughlin (barony of Rathoath, co. Meath); Auxilius with Killashee near Naas in Kildare. Iserninus is associated with Aghade near Tullow in Carlow, and also with Kilcullen, county Kildare. Dunshaughlin was then in territory controlled by the Laigin. The churches they founded, the parish churches, were on hilltops near the forts of the principal local chiefs. We can assume that the church or parish (or diocese) was co-extensive with the local tuath, and the land for its support was given by the local rí. It is reasonable to assume that the places they built their churches were also the places where there was the greatest number of British Christians. The Laigin were among those who had the closest contacts with post-Roman Britain.

Just as the earliest churches in North Leinster were associated with Secundinus, Auxilius, and Iserninus, so the earliest churches in South Leinster and Munster were associated with St Declan of Ardmore, St Abban, St. Ibhar of Beggary, St Ciaran of Saighir and St Ailbe. If that is true, Christianity came later to Munster than to the other provinces for the death of Ailbe is recorded after 527. de Paor considers all references to work of St Patrick in Munster to be later fictions. There is no indication that any chief other than Oengus mac Nad Froich of Emly was ever baptised. In the traditions he is associated with St Ailbe of Emly. Emly was the first and much more important church in Munster before the era of the dominance of the Eoganacht of Cashel. (Emly was later absorbed into Cashel.) There was another group of churches, chiefly in North Leinster but spreading across Central Ireland into Connaught, said to have been founded by British priests. One of these at Trim, Co. Meath was said to have been founded by St Lomman twenty five years before the church in Armagh. The churches in South Leinster and in North Munster would have been later, by half a century, than those in North Leinster, and probably contemporary with those of the British priests in Meath, and with the mission of Patrick among the Oirgialla.

The impression one gets is that Christianity was first established firmly in Ireland in county Kildare, and from there spread out over most of Ireland except the north. Most or all of the priests would have been British. Who was the first bishop of an Irish diocese ? It is impossible to answer this question for we have no idea if those who founded churches acquired their alleged episcopal rank posthumously. It is impossible to say if an Irish diocese was created for Palladius, or whether the existing Irish parishes were just added to an existing British diocese. Pope Celestine sent Palladius as a bishop to Ireland but apparently he did not stay long. He could have returned because of illness, or because of the hostility of the local chiefs, or merely to return to his own diocese. As in the case of St Patrick, he was probably made a bishop of an existing diocese. A late tradition makes him bishop of Carlisle or Whithorn, which is likely enough. Bishoprics were formed in cities and towns, and not in the rural countryside.

There can be little doubt that the introduction of Christianity into Ulster was independent of its introduction into Leinster. Nor is there any reason to doubt that it followed a similar pattern. Therefore we would expect several priests from the dioceses of York and Carlisle to have been ministering to British captives. A chance remark of Tertullian indicates that the Christian clergy preached beyond the extent of Roman arms. The aim of the Patrician myth was to make all of these priests later than and subordinate to St Patrick. It also intended to downgrade and belittle Palladius, for if it were conceded that Palladius founded a diocese Armagh could claim neither the primacy nor the tribute. The clergy of Armagh stood stoutly by their claim, that Patrick was the bishop of Armagh, and that Armagh was the first diocese in Ireland, and that consequently all other dioceses had to be subordinate to it and pay tribute to it. They could not prove this, but then the other churches could not disprove it. Kildare, however, with some reason, claimed to be earlier, and the church of Trim in Meath claimed to be twenty five years older than Armagh.

Of Patrick and his mission we really know nothing except what we can glean from his two obscure pieces of writing, the ‘Declaration’ (Confessio) and the ‘Letter against the Soldiers of Coroticus’ (Ceredic or Caradog). The Declaration was really a letter written to members of his own family justifying his conduct in Ireland, and written to people who were largely conversant with the events of his life and disapproved of them. In fact the nub of their complaints seems to have been that he was spending family money in Ireland which should, they thought, have been used for their support. The other letter was a written rebuke of a minor British chief named Coroticus whose soldiers had captured and carried away into slavery some of Patrick’s own converts. Coroticus was himself apparently a Christian.

Patrick was born in Roman Britain, almost certainly on the north west coast near Carlisle. His grandfather had been a priest, and his father a deacon and civil administrator with the rank of decurion. He was born shortly after the departure of the Roman armies, when the British were still trying to re-organise their defences against the raids of the Scots. He was probably captured by the raiders from Ireland around 430 AD. When he escaped after several years’ slavery, he returned home and was made a priest, and later a bishop of some town in the northern half of Britain, possibly Carlisle. He seems to have been and to have remained a bishop in Britain. But he spent much of his time and money in Ireland, hence the complaint apparently that he deserted his see for motives of profit. There is no reason to believe that he was ever the bishop of a separate Irish diocese. He considers that his mission was chiefly to the ordinary people of Ireland whom he calls Hibernionaces not to the ruling classes whom he calls Scotti. This would fit with the theory that the first Christian priests and bishops were sent to minister to the captured Christian slaves, and other British Christian settlers. He seems to have returned to Ireland about 460 in response to a vision. This chronology places the mission of St Patrick firmly in the second half of the fifth century, and thirty years after Palladius, Auxilius and Iserninus. Oddly enough, only one placename is mentioned, namely the wood of Foclut by the western sea near where he served his captivity. The western sea was presumably the Irish Sea.

Where he laboured in Ireland is unclear as well. Tradition has it that he landed in County Down and founded his first church at Saul near Downpatrick, which town also claims a connection with him. This local tuath would have been one of the subordinate tuatha of the Ulaid. It is probable that he provided a priest for the existing Christians and new converts on the coast, if there was not one there already. It is also likely that he worked among the Oirgialla in mid-Ulster and indeed may have worked principally among them. Whether there were any priests working in Ulster before the arrival of Patrick about 460 is hard to say. If Patrick founded parishes and ordained priests they would have been taken from his own British household. The obits of the earliest priests and bishops in Ulster, Mochai of Nendrum, MacCartan of Clogher, MacNissi of Connor are more consistent with an arrival after Patrick, but again the dating in the Annals is itself suspect. The Annals of Ulster conveniently provide for the death of Benignus, the first bishop of Armagh in 467. He may have visited the Southern Ui Neill near Tara in Co. Meath, and the Northern Ui Neill at Inishowen in Co. Donegal. But this is very doubtful.

Was there ever any connection between Bishop Patrick and Armagh? Scholars are usually very sceptical of any claims of any churchmen in the Middle Ages with regard to anything to which revenues were attached. And there were revenues claimed by archbishops of Armagh. There certainly was a later monastery at Armagh, from which the town and city is derived. But there was no town before the monastery. Nor was there any seat of a major chiefdom near to which it was common to erect a church. Was the sole connection between the monastery of Armagh and St Patrick the fact that the two precious manuscripts of his writings were found in its library? Given that fact, any monastic scribe and genealogist worth his salt could provide the connection.

The Sixth Century

It should be clear that there never was a ‘kingdom of Ireland’. The word ri is often mistranslated as king, as in kings of the Caananites in the bible who were only the chiefs of tiny city states. It is always rendered a chief in this book. There was a hierarchy of chiefs. The principal chief was the chief of one of the provinces. In the northern part of Ireland, excluding Connaught, this seems to have been the overlordship of Tara. The overlord did not rule the subordinate chiefs; he just exacted tribute, or as much as he was able.

In the lands of the Ui Neill the chieftainship of Tara after the death of Lugaid in 507 was confined, according to the genealogies, to the families of three of the sons of Niall Noígíallach, Conall Cremthaine in Meath, and Eogan and Conall Gulban in Donegal. The family of the first later split into two, Clan Cholmain, and Síl nÁedo Sláine the family of Aed Sláine. These two, with Cenél Eogain and Cenél Conaill, thus formed the four main branches of the Ui Neill. Later, Cenél Conaill in Donegal was excluded by their northern rivals the Cenél Eogain, and Síl nÁedo Sláine became too weak to support the overlordship leaving a simple alternation between the Cenél Eogain and Clan Cholmain. Later still, the Cenél Eogain split up and the main branch the Cenél Mhic Earca finally divided into the O’Neills and MacLoughlins. The rivalry between Cenél Conaill and Cenél Eogain continued until the Flight of the Earls in 1607 when the heads of both families fled to the Continent.

It was not until 566 that the Cenél Conaill succeeded in establishing their claim. It will be noted that between 564 and 598 that the northern Ui Neill held the chieftainship and that it was not until 598 that the southern Ui Neill regained a hold. From then until 743 when Clan Cholmain succeeded in establishing its claim and excluding Síl nÁedo Sláine, there was a three-way contest between Cenél Eogain, Cenél Conaill, of the Northern Ui Neill and Síl nÁedo Sláine of the Southern Ui Neill. About the same time Cenél Eogain succeeded in excluding Cenél Conaill. Between 743 and 1002 there was an almost unbroken alternation between Cenél Eogain and Clan Cholmain. Síl nÁedo Sláine virtually excluded themselves by splitting into two chiefdoms, a fact that was to have other unfortunate consequences during the Viking raids. It is not clear however what benefits accrued to the position of chief of Tara, for neither the northern or the southern branches were in a position to enforce tribute. Had the two branches fought it out to achieve supremacy, Ireland might have achieved what Alfred the Great and his immediate successors had achieved, lordship of all the English.

The whole of the present province of Leinster seems to have been under the dominance of the Laigin or Lagenians at the beginning of the fifth century, but the north-eastern part, including the sacred site at Tara was seized from them by the Southern Ui Neill at some point. The Laigin may have been a confederation of tuatha.

The Lagenian chiefs of the reduced Leinster were a match for the Ui Neill. Their northern frontier was well-protected by wide-spreading bogs. Surprise attacks from either side were out of the question. Their southern frontier was similarly well protected by mountains, bogs, and woods. It was to become even better defended when the Osraige (Ossory) established themselves in rough country between the Nore and the Suir, and formed a doubly effective barrier against the Eoganacht. Leinster, thus guarded, was like a separate island.

Munster is not easy to describe. It seems to have been thinly populated. Like the other provinces a thick barrier of woods, bogs, and mountains protected it. But for no obvious reason, much of it seems to have been unoccupied.

Almost nothing is known of Munster after Oengus mac Nad Froich of Emly, and little certain is known about him. Emly, later overshadowed by the richer diocese of Cashel, was perhaps the first diocese in Munster. In an account of St Colman of Cloyne, it is stated that Aed Caemh was baptised and became the first Christian king of Cashel in 570, and this is likely. But it is clear from the Life of St Brendan of Clonfert for example that Christianity had been firmly established in Kerry and Limerick long before that. Feidlimid mac Tigernaig of the Eoganacht Raithlind who died in 590 is the first king of whom there are reliable annalistic accounts. The common ancestor assigned in the genealogies to the various branches of the Eoganacht was Conall Corc father of Nio or Nad Froich. The only Munster chief in the fifth century assigned a somewhat reliable date is Oengus mac Nad Froich (d. 49/492). So it is likely that the expansion of the Eoganacht, like that of the Ui Neill occurred in the fifth century. This may just have been a coincidence and not connected with any wider disturbances. On the other hand, a period of intense slave-raiding was liable to produce rich and powerful leaders of warbands who were then able and willing to conquer their weaker neighbours at home.

Finally, there was the province of Connaught. The history of Connaught was linked with that of the Ui Neill, and so we have considerable knowledge of it. The leading families were the Ui Fiachrach, and the Ui Briuin. The Ui Briuin did not establish their dominance over the Ui Fiachrach, until at least the middle of the eighth century. These, along with the Ui Neill, were assigned a common ancestor called Echu Mugmedon. From other sons of Nath I, according to the genealogists, came the Ui Fiachrach Muaide and the Ui Fiachrach Aidne who provided overchiefs in the seventh and eighth centuries. After Daui Tengae Umai (d. 502) the Ui Briuin split into the Ui Briuin Breifne, the Ui Briuin Ai, and the Ui Briuin Seola. These were the leading families in Connaught, and many of them survived under different names until the end of the Tudor period. How much of the genealogies were faked is hard to say. They are however the only written records of secular life at this period. Genealogies established status and rights.

Over-chiefs of Tara

Lugaid mac Loeguiri 485? -507 (Southern Ui Neill).

Muirchertach mac Earca 507-534/6 of Cenél Eogain grandson of Eogan mac Neill.

Tuathal Maelgarb 534/6-544 son or grandson of Coirpre mac Neill (Southern Ui Neill)

Diarmait mac Cerbaill 544-564/5 grandson of Conall Cremthaine (Southern Ui Neill)

Forgus and Domnal Ilcalgach mac Muircheartaigh 564/5-566 of Cenél Eogain.

Ainmire mac Setnai 566-569 great grandson of Conall mac Neill of Cenél Conaill.

Baetan mac Muircheartaigh and Eochaid mac Domnail Ilcalgaigh 569-72 of Cenél Eogain.

Baetan mac Ninendo 572-86, distant cousin of Ainmire of Cenél Conaill.

Aed mac Ainmirech 586-98 of Cenél Conaill.

Colman Rimidh mac Baetain of Cenél Eogain and Aed Sláine mac Diarmato 598-604 from whom Síl nÁedo Sláine.

Aed Uairidnach 605-612 of Cenél Eogain, son of Domnal Ilcalgach.

Mael Coba mac Aedo 612-615 of Cenél Conaill, son of Aed mac Ainmirech.

Suibhne Menn 615-628 of Cenél Eogain (Cenél Feradaig).

Domnal mac Aedo 628-42 of Cenél Conaill, son of Aed mac Ainmirech.

Cellach and Conall 642-656/8 of Cenél Conaill, sons of Mael Coba.

Diarmait and Blathmac 656/8-665/6 of Síl nÁedo Sláine.

Senussach 665/6-671 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, son of Blathmac.

Cenn Faelad 671-675 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, son of Blathmac.

Finsnechta Fledach 675-695 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, nephew of Blathmac.

Loingsech 695-704 of Cenél Conaill, grandson of Domnal mac Aedo

Congal 704-710 of Cenél Conaill, grandson of Domnal mac Aedo.

Fergal 710-722 of Cenél Eogain, great grandson of Aed Uairidnach.

Fogartach 722-724 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, great grandson of Diarmait mac Aedo

Cinnead 724-728 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, great grandnephew of Diarmait mac Aedo.

Flaibertach 728-734 of Cenél Conaill, son of Loingsech.

Aed Allan mac Fergaile 734-743 of Cenél Eogain, son of Fergal.

Domnal Midi 743-763 of Clann Cholmain, descendant of Colman Mor.

Niall Frossach mac Fergaile 763-770 of Cenél Eogain, half-brother of Aed Allan.

Donnchad Midi 770-797 of Clann Cholmain, son of Domnal Midi.

Aed Oirnidhe 797- 819 of Cenél Eogain, son of Niall Frossach

Conchobar 819-933 of Clan Cholmain, son of Donnchad Midi

Niall Caille 833-846 of Cenél Eogain, son of Aed Oirnidhe

Mael Sechlainn I 846-862 of Clan Cholmain, nephew of Conchobar

Aed Finnliath 862-879 of Cenél Eogain son of Niall Caille

Flann Sinna 879-916 of Clan Cholmain, son of Mael Sechlainn

Flann Sinna 879-916 of Clan Cholmain, son of Mael Sechlainn

Niall Glundubh 916-919 of Cenél Eogain, son of Aed Finnliath

Donnchad mac Flainn 919-944 of Clan Cholmain, son of Flann Sinna

Congalach mac Mael Mithig 944-956 of Síl nÁedo Sláine, minor branch.

Donal Ardmacha ua Neill 956-980 of Cenél Eogain, grandson of Niall Glundub

Mael Sechlainn II 980-1002 of Clan Cholmain, grandson of Donnchad mac Flainn

Brian Boru 1002-1014 of Dal Cais

Mael Sechlainn II 1014-1022 of Clan Cholmain, grandson of Donnchadh mac Flainn

Donough O’Brien 1025-1063 of the O’Briens, grandson of Brian Boru (Dal Cais)

Diarmait mac Mael na mBo 1064-1072 of the Ui Chennselaig

Turlough O’Brien 1072-1086, nephew of Donough (Dal Cais)

Murtagh (or Muirchertach) O’Brien 1086-1119, son of Turlough (Dal Cais)

Donal MacLoughlin 1083-1121, MacLoughlin branch of Cenél Eogain

Murtagh (or Muirchertach) O’Brien 1086-1119, son of Turlough (Dal Cais)

(Donal MacLoughlin 1083-1121, MacLoughlin branch of Cenél Eogain)

Turlough O’Connor 1121-1156, son of Rory, (Ui Briuin Ai)

Murtagh MacLoughlin 1156-66, grandson of Donal of Cenél Eogain

Rory O’Connor, 1166-72, (Ui Briuin Ai) son of Turlough.

Development of the Church

Almost all Irish sources date from later than the sixth century, so we have to consider what would have been the contemporary practice in Britain and Gaul. By the beginning of the sixth century the Christian Church was well established in the eastern half of Ireland. Whereas in the fifth century the earliest churches were mostly in south Leinster by the early sixth century there were many churches in north Leinster and Mid-Ulster, largely in the territories of the Southern Ui Neill and the Oirgialla. There was a scattering of churches in north Donegal (the Northern Ui Neill), in North Connaught (Ui Fiachrach Muaide), and Emly in Munster. (Emly unusually is the name of a place, said to have been granted to St Ailbe by the chief of Ossory.) Ailbe’s father was said to have been from the Artrige in north-east Limerick. It may be that the Osraige were displaced by the Eoganacht who later occupied the region. They were also to be found in the north-east and north-west of the province of the Laigin. Not all of these may have had a regular resident priest. It was recorded in the Life of St. Buite of Monasterboice, who seems to have been born in the late fifth century, that his parents had to take him to a British priest at the local seaport.

But Christianity was probably spread much wider than the foundation of churches would indicate. By 520 there seem to have been Christian families among the Ciarraige in Kerry, among the Corcu Baiscind in Clare, the Corcu Loegde in (south Cork) Ross and among the Déisi in Waterford who may have been visited by travelling missionaries. St Brendan of Clonfert seems to have been of the ruling family of the Ciarraige, St Ita of the Déisi, St Ciaran of Saighir from Ossory, St Fachtna from Rosscarbery, and St Senan from the Corcu Baiscind in Clare. All the same the majority of the sixth century saints came from the core region of Christianity in Leinster and Ulster.

Christianity was spreading rapidly in Ireland in the first half of the sixth century and it is impossible to give exact dates of births to the saints in most cases. Some of these may have been born as late as 520 AD. The rest of Ireland became Christian in the course of the 6th century. Diarmait mac Cerbaill 544-64 celebrated the last pagan rites at Tara. Aed Caemh around 570 became the first Christian king of Cashel. Eogan Bel, said to have been the fourth Christian king of Connaught, was killed around 537. By the year 600 all the great chiefs were nominally at least Christian, and it would seem that all the churches which were later to become the centres of dioceses had been founded. Christianity spread in Ireland about the same time and about the same speed as in Scotland and Wales. There is no evidence at all for the existence of a ‘Celtic’ Church. Religious practice in Ireland was the same as in Wales and Auxerre in northern Gaul. Bishops probably had semis-monastic households like that of St. Martin of Tours.

Monasticism in Ireland

The semi-monastic episcopal household seems to have prevailed universally until about 535 AD. The origins of monasticism properly so-called seems to have originated in communities of women. The foundations of St Brigit of Kildare and St Moninna (alias Darerca) of Killeavy seem to have antedated any foundations of men. Monasterboice in Co. Louth has some claim to be the first monastery of men in Ireland if one can accept the statement that St Buite died on the day St Columcille was born in 521. The most important of the monastic founders and the real inspiration of the monastic movement was St Finnian of Clonard who is traditionally said to have trained twelve of the great monastic founders of monasteries from 544 onwards. Finnian is alternatively given as Uinniau. The form of this name is Welsh. That Uinniau was a Welsh monk would make good sense. The so-called ‘Second Order’ of Irish saints extended from the death of Tuathal Maelgarb 544 AD to the death of Aed mac Ainmirech in 598. These were Ciaran mac an tSaor of Clonmacnoise, Ciaran of Seir, Colman moccu Cremthain Ain of Terryglass, Columcille of Iona, Brendan of Clonfert, Brendan of Birr, Mobhi Clairineach of Glasnevin, Molaissi of Devenish, Sinchell of Killeigh, Cainneach moccu Dallan of Aghaboe, Ruadan of Lorrha, Ninnidh of Inishmacsaint, Mogenach of Cell Cumili, and Bishop Senach. It is clear that a clear new wave of monasticism spread over the British Isles in the sixth century, and this form of monasticism was distinguished from the semi-monastic households of bishops on the pattern of St Martin of Tours.

Seventh and Eighth Centuries

What is interesting about the 7th century is the way the Síl nÁedo Sláine of the Southern Ui Neill managed to wrench away the overlordship of Tara from the Northern Ui Neill who had largely monopolised it between 564 and 656. The only exception in these ninety two years was the sharing between Aed Sláine and Colman Rimidh, joint ruler with Aed Sláine from 598 to 604. There was a period of internecine warfare among the descendants of Colman Mór of the Southern Ui Neill, doubtless abetted by the Síl nÁedo Sláine, so that the latter succeeded in excluding them from the overchieftainship of Tara until 743. It would seem that Síl nÁedo Sláine made efforts to eliminate their rivals. During all this period, the chiefs of Cenél Conaill came from the family of Aed mac Ainmirech, St Columcille’s cousin. This was the great period of domination by this family. It was also a period of relative weakness in the dominant Cenél Eogain among the Northern Ui Neill. Again in this century most of the information comes from the northern half of Ireland. Almost nothing was written down in the other provinces, and little is known except the lists of kings drawn up by later genealogists.

However it is clear that the chiefs in all the provinces were now Christian. In Leinster Faelan of the Ui Dunlainge emerged as principal chief of Leinster. In central Ireland in west Leinster, the Ui Failge were emerging as an important family. In Connaught the Ui Briuin and two branches of the Ui Fiachrach, Ui Fiachrach Aidne and Ui Fiachrach Muaide had established themselves. The latter became the dominant branch. One chief, Guaire Aidne, was apparently trying to dislodge the Dal Cais from Clare. Among the Ulaid there seem to have been various attacks on the coasts by either British or Northumbrians. The British kingdom of Rheged was itself under heavy pressure from Anglo-Saxon Northumbria, and some of the British may have turned to piracy, or tried to gain new lands in Ireland as was customary with every clan defeated by a stronger one. The area where the British language was spoken was gradually being reduced.

In the 8th century we begin to get information about what was beginning to happen in other parts of Ireland. Various changes were taking place in the provinces. In Munster, a powerful chief, Cathal mac Finguine emerged from the Eoganacht Glendamnach whose land was around Fermoy, and he was the first to raid northwards into the lands of the Ui Neill. Before that the most powerful branch of the family had been the Eoganacht Loca Lein around Killarney, but there their power was restricted by the growing power of the Ciarraige Luachra from whom Kerry is named. The Eoganacht had displaced the Corcu Loegde as the dominant power in eastern Munster. The western Déisi were beginning to settle across the Shannon in Co. Clare where they became known as the Dal Cais. The Osraige were growing in strength and were attempting to expand, as were the Ui Briuin Breifne. With the domination of Síl nÁedo Sláine, the Cianacht of Meath virtually ceased to exist.

In Connaught, the Ui Briuin had established a clear ascendancy over the Ui Fiachrach chiefs. The last of the Ui Fiachrach over-chiefs was chosen in 768 but they really counted for little after 707. The Ui Briuin were divided into three branches. The Ui Briuin Ai were in their original homeland in central Roscommon, from whom the O’Connors. The Ui Briuin Seola (O’Flaherty) were settled at first to the east of Lough Corrib in county Galway. The third, the Ui Briuin Breifne (O’Rourke) settled in north-east Connaught in county Leitrim. Muiredach Muillethan of the Ui Briuin Ai was chosen over-chief of Connaught in 696 and held the office until 702. His family became known as the Síl Muiredaig (Sheel Murry, or Sheel Morthy). From 782 onwards they became the dominant family in Connaught and from them came the O’Connor family which was to provide recognised high kings of Ireland. In Leinster the over-chiefship seems to have passed fairly regularly between representatives of three leading families, all from the northern part of the region. The southern Ui Neill found them as difficult to beat as the northern Ui Neill found the Ulaid. The ruling families were the Ui Dunlainge and the Ui Mail in the north, who were joined by the rising Ui Chennselaig in the south. Most of the over-chiefs of Leinster were of the Ui Dunlainge. They were divided into the Ui Dunchada, the Ui Faelain, and the Ui Muiredaig, and these three families gained a virtual monopoly over the overlordship. Inland were two secondary families, the Loigse and the Ui Failge in easily defensible territories where they were able to dominate their own local areas, and were impossible to dislodge. Probably for the whole period of their existence they were dependent on cattle-raiding and black rent.

Though warfare between the chiefs within the provinces or fifths and between the provinces was constant it resulted in no great changes.

CHAPTER THREE

The Dark Ages (800-1000 AD)

The Ninth Century

This was the period Hilaire Belloc called the ‘Siege of Christendom’. It was the period when Christian Western Europe was being attacked by pagan barbarian peoples from the north, the south and the east. From the north in the ninth century came the Vikings, Norse, Danish, and Swedish; from the south came the Moors, the Muslim rulers of North Africa and Spain who attacked the Christian regions in Spain, France and Italy, and in the next century came the Magyars, a Hunnish people who attacked Germany. Muslim raiders sacked St Peter’s in Rome in 846 and Pope Leo IV surrounded the area around it with a wall, and it became known as the Leonine City. In Rome itself between 896 and 904 there were 10 popes.

England and Ireland followed a fairly similar course between the departure of the Romans from Britain in 410 AD and the arrival of the Vikings in 795 AD. The culture and organisation of the Anglo-Saxons, and indeed of all the various peoples of northern Europe outside the limits of the former Roman Empire was similar. Though Bede’s Ecclesiastical History casts incidental light on secular affairs up to 731it was not intended to be a history of the English-speaking chiefdoms, let alone the whole of Britain. The Jutes, Saxons, etc., formed up to 16 small chiefdoms which over time were reduced to 7. During the expansion of the Vikings, England was the principal target of the Danes, while Scotland and Ireland were the targets of the Norse. By the time of King Alfred (871-899) the Danes controlled most of England. From his refuge in the Isle of Athelney (870) Alfred recovered most of Western England and the chiefs of Wessex imposed their authority. His grandson Athelstan (899-924) conquered England as far as the present day Scottish border and is regarded as the first king of England.

In Ireland the Norse were not nearly as successful. Around Dublin and Limerick they formed petty chiefdoms which were quickly dominated by the powerful regional chiefs. Mael Sechlainn of Clan Cholmain nearly achieved overlordship of Ireland about 860. Undisputed overlordship was not achieved until about the year 1000 by Brian Boru. Chiefs remained overchiefs or paramount chiefs for precisely as long as they could enforce tribute. But even he did not achieve dynastic succession. The first nominal king was Henry VIII but the first real king of Ireland was James I.

Despite Belloc, the influence of the Vikings on Ireland was more beneficial than otherwise. Ireland, on the edge of Europe, was among the last places where new developments arrived. For whatever reason, the backward inhabitants of the Scandinavian lands suddenly made great leaps forward. They became formidable warriors, raiding from Ireland to the Caspian Sea. They developed long-distance trade. They developed towns, fortified structures in hostile territory, as bases for raiding and trading. They brought goods from Byzantium. They re-introduced the use of money to northern Europe.