Stories of the Liberation Struggles in South Africa: Mpumalanga Province, Part Ii

By Prof. Thabo Israel Pudi

The Stories of the Liberation Struggles in South Africa: Mpumalanga Province Book II is a continuation of the Stories of the Liberation struggle stories (from Book I) as told by the people of South Africa about their experiences and contributions to the ultimate victory over oppression, domination, and apartheid.

Many books and documentaries and even other forms of media, when discussing the liberation struggles in South Africa, have focused on stories or experiences as told by well-known individuals. This, to some extent, has created an impression that the struggle was fought by known individuals and leaders, and it is only the known individuals and the leadership that have experienced the wrath of the police, the army or the might of the South African regime. In actual fact, the truth is that the leadership was there to fuel and to organize the struggle and the masses. Out of spontaneity and the resistance to oppression, the struggle was automatically born.

In this book and Part II, the contributors tell of stories about the struggle that they witnessed or have affected them directly. Apartheid and oppression was in actual fact against all nonwhite people and not only against leaders. The foot soldiers or people on the ground who waged the real battles when they destroyed targets and defied the state of emergencies and survive teargas and gunshots are the ones that will tell stories that even the so-called leaders will have to hear and learn from them. Some of the storiesthe stories of bravery, the stories of sacrifice, the stories of escape and the stories of resistance against the forces that were intend on undermining the human dignity of the black masses will be heard for the first time by some of the leadership that are still alive. Suffice it to say that the reason is that the media reporting has been biased against these individuals who may have been perceived to be nobodies. As is evident in this book, they may be nobodies, but the stories that they tell are worth the while. It is indeed true that every story has more than one side: the side told by the leadership, the side told by the media (which, in many instances, are driven by sensation or allegiance to the leadership), and the side told by the others. I marvel at the words of the wise that there are three sides to each story: side of the story, the other man side of the story, and the true version of the story. This book is not about to judge as to which side of the story is true or appropriate but to make available a platform from which even the unknown will have to tell their own stories about their suffering and the liberation struggles in South Africa.

Is it not better to read the stories from those who have experience of them rather than those who heard about them?

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Dec 12, 2014
• ISBN: 9781503518230

Prof. Thabo Israel Pudi

I agree that this book is not about me. It is also not about anybody but about the struggles and the stories of oppression, victimization, and apartheid. Unfortunately, these stories do not come by themselves but through people. It is people who are the custodians of the struggle experiences, and it is from people that such experiences can be elicited and presented for us and for generations after us to know and to interpret. The struggle was a situation that nobody chose but was an unfortunate result and offspring from the system that was meant to undermine the human integrity of others based on race and origin. I also agree that sometimes it provides a good platform to know the background of the author to understand at least why he has decided to write about the struggle and the manner in which he has presented the contents of the struggle. Of course, having been a contributor or a victim of the struggle myself may not necessarily qualify me to write this book, but it makes sense if you have to write what you, yourself, has been involved in—irrespective of the extent of your involvement. By reading between the lines, some readers would be able to create a picture of who this author is and be able to know certain perspectives about the author, which have not been obvious from the written words. I have to confess upfront that I do not own the struggle or the suffering. In fact no one does. However, the old saying that “when the sun shines into the ocean, it is each and every drop of the ocean that is responsible for the shine” gives me the bragging rights that I was indeed part of the struggle irrespective of how infinitesimally small I was submerged in the struggle. Perhaps I should take the opportunity to say that I am nothing but a droplet in the sea of all what could be written about the struggle. However, the great Greek scientist, Archimedes, in one of his famous writings, said these bold words: “Give me a lever long and strong enough, a fulcrum to support it, then I will move the world.” The pen is the lever, and this book is the fulcrum around which the pen in my hand can convey the experiences of the struggle especially of those stories that up until hitherto were on the verge of extinction. The pen is my lever, the book my fulcrum, and equipped with these, I am poised to move South Africa forward—so I hope.

Book preview

Copyright © 2014 by Prof. Thabo Israel Pudi.

Library of Congress Control Number:   2014920613

ISBN:      Hardcover      978-1-5035-1822-3

                Softcover        978-1-5035-1824-7

                eBook             978-1-5035-1823-0

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner.

The opinions expressed in this book are not necessarily those of the author or the publisher but of the contributors concerned.

Where necessary, fictitious names have been used to protect the identity of the persons referred to or implied in the stories.

Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Thinkstock are models, and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only.

Certain stock imagery © Thinkstock.

Rev. date: 02/23/2015

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CONTENTS

Prologue

Indebteness

Important Acronyms

CHAPTER 01

A BRIEF ORIENTATION AND OVERVIEW

Orientation

Overview

CHAPTER 02

YOUR STORIES, MY STORIES, OUR STORIES

Story 11 Mxolisi Ncongwane (Carolina, the earlier years)

Story 12 Bishop Isaac Malaza (I had a dream)

Story 13 Robert ‘Gadla’ Khumalo (I trained as an MK soldier)

Story 14 Zulu Seerane (The ‘Sofasonke’ and the aftermath)

Story 15 Moses ‘Kwaito’ Mhlanga & Mpho Thabo Lesenyeho (…too small to fight, too young to die…)

Story 16 When a nursing sister violates her duties in favour of the struggle

Story 17 Jacques Modipane (A packet of cigarettes and a box of matches)

Story 18 Banele Shabangu (The rain drenched young attorney, Nelson Mandela)

Story 19 Samuel & Lizzy Ngwenya (Random shooting that claimed the life of our son)

Story 20 Milcharles Shabangu (Youth politics and the Lowveld massacre)

Messages Of Support

Bibliography

Struggle Glossary

Political Phrases, Slogans And Their Interpretation

Addenda

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PROLOGUE

O n 08 January 2012, the ANC as an organization celebrated its hundredth year of the struggle for total emancipation from colonialism, oppression and apartheid. Whilst giant strides have been accomplished in this regard, the struggle seems far from over. In fact, the struggle in its own sense is older than the ANC – having begun way back around 1652 with the landing of a lost ship destined for the far East in search of s pice.

The form of the struggle to overcome the menace of colonialism, oppression and apartheid and to usher in democracy had been fought with a combination of persuasion to violent means up until 1994. Some people believe that this is the carrot and stick strategy and tactic of the ANC. From March 1960 the ANC (together with PAC) were banned. In reaction, the ANC changed its struggle stance to a combination of persuasion and armed struggle perpetrated from exile. In 1990 Mandela was released from prison and the regime was persuaded to sit around the negotiation table. The result was the official installation of a democracy on 27 April 1994. From there onwards, the struggle continued on a different format. There was no longer need for armed struggle or persuasion but a fight to win the votes with the ANC now as a political party.

The achievement of democracy brought about fundamental changes to the struggle. But this did not signal the end of the struggle. Instead another form of struggle surfaced. Like in Brecht’s songs of the soldier, once the difficulty of the mountains (struggles to achieve democracy) is over, that is when you will see the difficulties of the plains (democracy itself) will surface. This is a vicious circle of struggle to struggle.

That the playing field was levelled with the ushering of democracy was found to be an illusion. Democracy was instead found to be a tool that should be used to level the playing field. It was found that democracy did not necessarily bring about an end to colonialism, oppression and apartheid mentality and its vestiges. The achievement of democracy after almost a century of oppressive authoritarian rule is not without the negative rudiments of the past. It is this past that will be hard to undo. It is this past that will stand in the path of the new. According to some authors such as Lakajee and Steinemen, learning something is easier than trying to unlearn it. Steinemen alludes to the theory that it takes three days to build a habit and three weeks to break one. Up until pre-1994 democratic elections when apartheid still reigned supreme and the habits of colonial rule were not yet challenged, and removed from the statutes, it is a period of almost 90 years. Based on this, it will take more than one lifetime to unlearn the apartheid colonialism habits. This is more than a generation.

While the statutes books could be physically changed and a new constitution adopted in line with democratic principles (as demonstrated by the 1994 democratic elections), it proved difficult to transform the minds and resultantly the attitudes of a section of the population of South Africa. In conformance with the principle of the scientist, Le Chatelier, you have to dispense of the old in order to be receptive to the new. While your hand is clutched, holding on to the old, it cannot receive the new. The main instigating concerns of these attitudes are the realities confronting those who stand to gain by the previous order and the delays to complete freedom and democracy. Those whose gains are threatened will do everything to secure or cling to the past where their gains lies and those who have no gains will do everything possible to find a way to achieve gains by capitalising on the new democratic dispensation. The dire need to effect democratic change would find resistance to change as a serious obstacle in its path. By and large, this resistance to change would be a terrain where ‘white fears and black aspirations’ are fundamental cornerstones. But, while there is still an issue of black and white, the democracy achieved is flawed. South Africa belongs to all who live in it – irrespective of colour or creed and this democracy should be seen to project that. Perhaps the emphasis on unity in diversity; rainbow nation and other catch phrases used in some nation building campaigns would ease the impact and speed up the unlearning process.

To the victor go the spoils. By inheriting victory and democracy, the ANC has also inherited the problems that came with it. Large as they may be, they are not insurmountable. The ANC should not fool itself and others that the problems inherited from apartheid will be overcome overnight or in a five year term which is the characteristic periods of office change in governments.

The imperatives of being government have taken centre stage. Whilst occupying government buildings have its own advantages, the truth is that the true face of the ANC as a liberation movement, together with the element of selflessness will soon be a thing of the past if not already so. In other words, the situation of ANC as a liberation movement is facing extinction. Is the ANC doing just as bad with relation to it being government?

Amandla! Maatla!! Matimba!!!

Professor Thabo Israel Pudi

Tshwane University of Technology

South Africa

*********************

INDEBTENESS

O ne will always be indebted to those men and women, who for one reason or another have made a contribution to the implementation and finalization of this project. These are the helping hands that are not at the end of my arms but were at an arm’s length to make the difference. These inc lude:

• Michael Sikuza and Vusi Sindane, the runners

• Comrades who helped in organizing the interviews for the different regions viz. Cde Vusi Maseko for Gert Sibande; Cde Abednigo Nkwanyana for Nkangala; Cde Renias Khumalo for Bohlabela and Cde Victor Nkwalase for Ehlanzeni

• Ruth Segage, the librarian for the preparation of the study collection on this topic and the endless response to my request for a search on this and that.

• Neo Sibanyoni, Nontobeko Mnisi and Qedusizi Jiyana for the finer secretariat touches

• Pravin Ubisi for designing the cover of the book and upliftment of some pictures.

• The Police Museum in Pretoria (Col. Brigadier Smal) for giving permission to use pictures from the museum

• The ANC in Mpumalanga province for creating the platform for the collection of data and the writing of this book.

• All the contributors for making contributions to the manuscript in whatever small or big way

• The Lord God Almighty for ever being there for me and for you; we are part of His broad household

IMPORTANT ACRONYMS

CHAPTER 01

A BRIEF ORIENTATION AND OVERVIEW

Anvil & Hammer (Delmas Court)

Description: DSC_4961

Unite, Mobilise, and Fight on! Between the Anvil of united Mass Action and the Hammer of armed struggle, we shall crush apartheid. Nelson Mandela 1976.

ORIENTATION

N ow that the war is over, it is time to take stock and look in hindsight the journey traversed. It is time to look into historical heritages that have been created through the struggle and learn lessons that will enhance the way forward. The war that took place for the better part of the hundred years (1912 to 1994) can summarily and mildly be termed the struggle. This (the struggle), gave birth to many events of historical significance for the ANC, for South Africa and the African continent and for the world at large. To learn and to reconcile with the past, it is necessary that these historical events be captured and documented for all to take stock of. Bad or good, these are historical events that can never be wished away. These are the events that have shaped the course of the struggle and from which lessons for the future course of the struggle can be carved. The historical events of the struggle should not be seen as eroding the gains that have been made in terms of peace, the liberation of the South African people and the restoration of human dignity. The ANC has a rich history of staying focused and intensifying the struggle amidst the intensified challenges of the struggle and the many fronts upon which the ‘enemy’ raised the causes for the stru ggle.

Advocate George Bizos, during the Delmas treason trial colloquim in Delmas, Mpumalanga was deplorable of the usage of the term ‘enemy’ and chose rather that the term ‘opponent’ be used when reference is made to the regime and the apartheid system (Treason Trials 1985 – 1989 Colloquium, 2011). This is a reconciliatory stand. It has its merits and demerits depending on the viewpoint of the observer. George Bizos further made a suggestion that the ANC, in documenting and remembering its history and the 100 years of selfless struggle should take cue of the fact that the situation today calls for unity in diversity and thus should make recall of the past with due regard that memory has no bias. This is an inclusive approach which would augur well given the reconciliatory stipulations of the constitution. Unfortunately the act of tuning history for the preservation and maintenance of whatever, constitute a bias. Cde George Bizos has subconsciously taken a stand as to how this history should be and this constitutes a bias. The introduction of bias brings about distortions because history would then be written according to one’s wishes and not as was. This will then be history from a perspective. Our history will then have many versions with a possibility of losing sight of which version is the correct one. In most cases the wrong version, presented with scintillation and sensationalism could edge the true one. What is sensational would then be equated to that which is true. Is this not how media thrives?

Pallo Jordaan (Sunday Times, 2010) is critical of these distortions and sees them as a platform for propaganda. He has decried the fact that a concerted effort must be undertaken to correct all distortions and propaganda in the ANC history to pave a way for the legacy of our true history, unadulterated, undefiled and not interpreted; but reincarnated in its true sense as was and not as could have been. This kind of history is better written by those who experienced it and not those who heard about it and then made simulations. Deprivation of the essence of the true history of the ANC on the basis of constitutional stipulations and nation building would be denigrating this history to nothing more than fiction or fantasy and would set up some of the historical events and realities for mockery. Every history has a background. The struggle also has a background. The constitution of the Republic of South Africa (RSA), good as it is, does not form part of that history of the struggle and its background. Tuning the history and experiences of the ANC to suite the expectations of the situation today would require another tuning when expectations and situations change. This would then be history without its natural nuances; this would be history that cannot stand the test of time; this would be the history that is tidy and suitable.

Take your shoes off because you are about to enter into an area which has its holiness and truthfulness. The history of the struggle written without fear or favour is the prime aim of this book but rather focused primarily on the Eastern Transvaal (now most of it converted to Mpumalanga province). It is a history that may not be tidy and suitable but honest and original. It is a history by the people of Mpumalanga about their experiences of the struggle from Mpumalanga. In some instances it might be messy, in others it might be interpreted as petty and intrusive. Some may even want to interpret it as causing division within and outside of the ANC as an organization. It might also be seen as rubbing salt into the healing wounds that apartheid caused. Nevertheless, no one can say it does not resemble what the people have gone through and that the records of such should not be kept. It is unfortunate, very unfortunate that most of it is written in hindsight and that the historical effects (perhaps also the Hawthorne effects) or nuances of hindsight might not be so easy to mitigate. I am not going to throw away the baby with the bath water. Important as it may be, the Constitution makes room for the ANC history to be told and to be disseminated and documented. The Constitution advocates for freedom of expression.

The creation of the history of the ANC and the 100 years plus path that the ANC has traversed was not without pain, suffering, torture, fear and ultimate death and destruction of materials and assets both by the ANC and by