Congo Brazzaville Political History
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Congo Brazzaville Political History - Anthony Willson
Congo Brazzaville Political History.
Governance of Self-determine, and Crises evoke.
____________________
Author
Anthony Willson
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Copyright © 2017 Victoria General Printing
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First Printing: 2017
ISBN: 978-1-365-71034-6
Printed in the United States of America
Publisher by Victoria General Printing, LTD.
New Marine Avenue, Rue 121 Williams Park Trechville
Congo Brazzaville
The Congo You Should Know
The Republic of the Congo (Congo-Brazzaville) is not a major regional financial center, nor is it a major narcotics destination or source. The port city of Pointe-Noire is frequently utilized as a transshipment point for narcotics moving north to Europe or into Angola and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Most financial crimes involve domestic corruption and embezzlement. The economy is cash dependent, relying very little on electronic transfers and checks. When they travel, business executives and government officials alike carry large amounts of cash, which are frequently used to settle transactions. Money laundering through investments in domestic real estate is a growing problem, given increased scrutiny of funds sent overseas.
Congo-Brazzaville, as part of the Euro-CFA Zone Agreements, deposits reserves with the Bank of Central African States (BEAC), a regional central bank that serves six Central African countries. BEAC conducts the Economic Intervention Service, which harmonizes the regulation of currency exchanges in the member states of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). The BEAC also supervises the country’s banking system, though evidence suggests the BEAC’s supervision is insufficient.
The Republic of the Congo (RoC) is a country of enormous potential wealth relative to its small population of just over 4 million. The RoC’s economy continues to demonstrate sustained moderate growth, hovering near 4% according to the Economist Intelligence Unit. This growth is mostly attributable to sustained high oil prices and production as oil accounts for 70% of GDP and 80% of government revenue. The non-oil sector is primarily focused on the logging industry, but growth is also occurring in the telecommunications, banking, mining (potash, iron ore), construction, and agricultural (palm oil, rubber) sectors. The RoC is a country poised for economic diversification, with some of the largest iron ore and potash deposits in the world, a heavily-forested land mass, a deep-water International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) Code-certified port, fertile land, and a small but heavily urbanized population. The RoC has been AGOA eligible since October 2000, providing an additional enticement for export-related investment.
Despite continuing yearly improvements in the macroeconomic figures for the RoC, 46% percent of the population lives on less than $1.40 per day, putting poverty prevalence much higher than in peer oil-exporting countries. There is no apparent middle class with respect to education, skills, and material living standards. The RoC suffers from low education standards and little social mobility. Most of the population still operates in the informal sector of the economy.
Weak infrastructure, including poor transportation systems, a nascent broadband internet, and inconsistent electric and water supply, present the biggest hurdles for most foreign direct investment. The country is still without a fully paved road to connect its distinct commercial and political capitals of Pointe Noire and Brazzaville, respectively, or a reliable railroad system to connect inland iron ore and timber resources in the north and west of the country to the port of Pointe Noire. However, infrastructure improvement projects are evident everywhere in the major cities of the RoC and the government reports spending enormous amounts of capital on infrastructure improvements.
Investors report that the commercial environment in Congo has not improved substantially in the last few years. Many feel that they have good working relations with government officials, but corruption, especially among informal
tax collectors, is still widespread. In January 2013, the Congolese government created an Agency for the Promotion of Investments (API) to promote economic diversification through expanding the pool of external investors. Throughout 2013, the government continued to put in place regulatory reforms with the stated goal of improving the business environment. Nevertheless, businesses are not yet noticing positive impacts from the new regulations, and the RoC remains near the bottom (185 out of 189) on the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business
rankings. Established American businesses operating in the RoC as well as companies interested in establishing a presence continue to encounter obstacles. In 2013, various companies raised concerns to the U.S. Embassy related to land titles, tax law misapplication, and general difficulty initiating negotiations with GRoC officials
Political Violence Roils the Republic of Congo
President Denis Sassou-Nguesso’s new term in office, a continuation of his decades in power after a murky re-election, has gotten off to a rocky start since violence in the Republic of Congo has left his political opponents fearing for their lives.
On April 4, the day that final election results were released, shooting broke out in the southern districts of the capital, Brazzaville, which are considered to be opposition strongholds. Military barracks and checkpoints and two police stations were targeted in a gun battle that lasted nearly two days, according to the International Federation for Human Rights.
Human right groups have also reported that airstrikes and a ground offensive took place in Pool, another area known for harboring opposition figures, starting the next day.
The violence comes after protests last year over the constitutional referendum that extended the eligibility of presidential candidates beyond age 70, which allowed Mr. Sassou-Nguesso, 72, to run again. Mr. Sassou-Nguesso, often considered one of Africa’s so-called presidents for life, has governed the country for 32 of the last 37 years.
He was re-elected in March after winning more than 60 percent of the vote. Opposition candidates denounced the victory as a sham. In the days around the vote, internet and television networks were shut down in the capital as a security measure, the government said.
The French Ministry of Foreign affairs still does not recognize the election results in its former colony, citing a lack of transparency surrounding the election. Other countries, like Canada and the United States, have also expressed dismay. After sharp criticism from the European Union over the credibility of the results, Brazzaville asked the European Union to recall its ambassador.
Mr. Sassou-Nguesso first came to power in 1979 and governed for 13 years before losing an election in 1992. In 1997, he again assumed power after a civil war killed 10,000 people and displaced thousands more. He enjoys little popularity outside of the northern districts of Brazzaville and the remote northern region where he grew up. He was sworn into his new five-year term in April.
The federal government has blamed a group called the Ninjas,
former militiamen active during a civil war in the 1990s and again in the early 2000s, for the violence after the election. In particular, officials have blamed the former Ninja leader Frédéric Bintsamou, known as Pastor Ntumi, which means the messenger
in Lari, a local language. In April, the government issued an arrest warrant for him in connection with the recent unrest. He denies any direct involvement in the shootout or violence in the Pool region.
Some of Mr. Sassou-Nguesso’s political opponents who contested the election results, including Gen. Jean-Marie Michel Mokoko, who also ran for president in March, have been arrested or put under house arrest after the outbreak of violence in Brazzaville. Mr. Mokoko’s house has been surrounded by government armed forces since April 5, preventing him from going outside. Other members of opponents’ campaign teams have been arrested on the grounds of endangering the security of the state,
according to the International Federation for Human Rights.
Various witnesses report that the day after the shooting began in Brazzaville, the government bombed the southern Pool region, destroying one of Mr. Bintsamou’s former houses. The government denies targeting civilians and has not issued an official body count. Access to the most sensitive areas of the Pool region has also been denied to local journalists and nongovernmental groups.
The bombings affected residential areas and damaged public and private properties, including one primary school, said Ilaria Allegrozzi, a researcher with Amnesty International.
Because it occurred early morning, it is unlikely that children were struck, but we have no confirmation of this,
she said.
Shelling with heavy weapons and bombardments in Pool stopped in mid-April, but ground offensives are still taking place in various villages in the region, humanitarian groups have reported. One woman who fled to Brazzaville told Amnesty International in April that she saw at least 30 bodies in one area and described heavy damage in the Pool region caused by airstrikes. However, the organization stressed that because they were denied access to the areas in question, cross-checking witness reports remained impossible.
In April, the Congolese branch of the international aid organization Caritas Internationalis said more than 2,000 people had fled the Pool region and gone into the bush. Ghys Fortuné Bemba Dombe, a local journalist whose newspaper was shut down by the government, said many people were still in hiding, afraid to return to their villages.
The United Nations said in an April news release that there had been reports of mass arrests and torture in detention
in Pool.
In May, United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-moon urged Mr. Sassou-Nguesso