Ataturk's planning of the Turkish revolution: The unknown 6 months in Istanbul

By Alev Coşkun

November 13, 1918. The day Mustafa Kemal arrived in Istanbul, just two weeks after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros. May 16, 1919. The day he left Istanbul for Samsun on the Bandırma steamship. This book relates the adventure that took place during the intervening six months. It is a story that has never received the treatment it deserves, but that has now been remedied. These six months were essentially the planning and preparation phase of the war of independence.
Dr. Alev Coşkun gives the reader a masterful and meticulous account of Mustafa Kemal’s daily contacts in the context of political developments with commentary on the significance of these events. On the one hand we see minorities supporting the occupying British, French and Italian forces, spies brazenly operating everywhere and British sympathizers, and on the other hand, we see the Turks, exhausted, helpless and grieving the fact that their capital is now occupied.  This was the catastrophe to which Mustafa Kemal and his comrades sought a remedy. It is a breathtaking six months filled with incredible events. 

The original name of this book was  ‘Samsun'dan Önce Bilinmeyen 6 Ay İşgal, Hüzün, Hazırlık” (The Unknown Six Months Before Samsun:  Occupation, Grief and Preparation.)” Because the book covers in detail the six-month period during which Atatürk planned the revolution that would lay the foundations of the Republic of Turkey, the book’s English title makes reference to the Turkish Revolution.

The author’s straightforward and easy-to-read narrative was first published in Turkish in 2008. The events related in this rigorous historical work are fully documented and skillfully woven together.  The book is in its 24th printing and has sold 100,000 copies, proof that it is achieving its mission of “passing on” the history of the Republic of Turkey to the next generation.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Ataturk Research Center CT
• Release date: Jan 1, 2020

Book preview

Zehra

PREFACE

The first volume in Yüzbaşı Selahattin’in Romanı (Captain Selahattin’s Novel) is about WWI and the second volume is about the War of Independence.

Here are a few lines from the second volume: May 20, 1919... The Ottoman Empire has been occupied.... Selahattin describes the situation:

"I was going to Karaköy to board the ferry for Haydarpaşa... A voice said:

— Selahattin Bey!

I looked up. It was Colonel Bekir Sami dressed in civilian attire... I went over to him and he asked:

— Have you married?

— No.

— Come with me, he said.

He took me to the railing on the bridge overlooking the piers where the Bosphorus ferries docked.

He looked intently into my eyes and then said:

— I am leaving. Will you come with me? I was dying to get out of Istanbul. I immediately said:

— I will. He said:

— Where will you go?

— Wherever you take me... He continued:

— You know the situation. I will go to the front in Izmir. I will declare war on the Greeks and rebel against the government. Will you come?

— I will.

We walked towards Eminönü for awhile and then he stopped again. He looked me in the eye and said:

— This could mean hanging, being betrayed, thrown in prison and exile. But there is no reward. The only reward is that if the country is saved,

you can rejoice that you played a part. Will you come?

— I will."

🟉

The conversation shows just how significant and important those days were and the date is interesting:

May 20th, 1919...

On May 19th, Mustafa Kemal Pasha landed in Samsun... And Minister of War Colonel Bekir Sami was appointed Commander of the 17th Corps in the West.

Colonel Bekir Sami landed in Bandırma on May 21st 1919. Was Bekir Sami alone?

The Minister of War had already appointed two important generals to Anatolia.

Kâzım Karabekir.. And Ali Fuat..

Pandemonium reigned in the capital of Istanbul during this time of occupation.

The Turks living in this chaos and the hell created by the Greeks, Armenians, Christians and the occupying British, French and Italians were divided into two groups.

Those who could think of no option but obedience to the occupying forces... And those who looked for alternatives...

The officers in the War Ministry were experiencing the same dilemma. There were patriotic officers like Bekir Sami, Ali Fuat and Kâzım Karabekir who were doing their best and did not hesitate when it came to appointments over units in Anatolia.

Ali Fuat Pasha went to lead the 20th Army Corps in Konya on February 20th 1919.

Kâzım Karabekir assumed command of the army in Erzurum in April of 1919.

Colonel Bekir Sami was appointed to command the 17th Army Corps and landed in Bandırma on May 21st 1919 on his way to discharge these duties.

🟉

However, in a short time, Bekir Sami realized that the Greek army that had begun its occupation of Izmir after the ultimatum delivered to the Ottomans by Admiral Calthorpe had taken control of the region. The Greeks and Armenians were busy with the necessary public propaganda.

The Turks were cowering hopelessly. The military units that were weary and defeated after WWI had no idea what they could do. Sultan Vahdettin represented the political will of the day, and he had totally surrendered.

However, as Colonel Bekir Sami headed for the Aegean region to save the homeland from the Greek occupation, Mustafa Kemal Pasha headed east, arriving in Samsun on May 19th.

This apparent contradiction serves to highlight an important difference in understanding and perception. It also shows us the compass that determined Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s actions.

🟉

We can briefly describe the difference as Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s genius in accepting an obvious fact from the beginning. A military deprived of political will cannot achieve victory. A movement that would organize the political will of the people, society and the nation against the occupying imperialist powers was essential.

In those days, Atatürk was simply known as Mustafa Kemal. He stayed in the capital of Istanbul from November 1918 to May 1919 trying to foster political will to resist the imperialist invaders.

This was the compass, or if you will, the fundamental goal behind every action he took, from requesting an appointment as Minister of War and his conversations with Sultan Vahdettin to all of his work in Şişli, which was his headquarters, and all of his military-civilian and domestic-foreign contacts.

But, when he failed to break through the circles of surrender that Sultan Vahdettin had surrounded himself with in Istanbul, he decided to go to Anatolia instead and create the political will necessary to resist the occupying imperialists there.

In the palace, Sultan Vahdettin was incapable of mustering any resistance at all to the imperialists.

This hopeless sense of surrender continued in spite of Mustafa Kemal’s best efforts. Unfortunately, it turned into an attempt to raise a caliphate army, and as the nation moved closer to victory, Vahdettin left Turkey on a British battleship.

🟉

Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s military genius is recognized by all experts, foreign and domestic, but his extraordinary abilities in the political arena are also demonstrated with striking examples at every phase of the War of Independence.

This is a truth acknowledged in all military and civilian circles, which is what made him an undisputed leader.

The political will organized by Atatürk in Anatolia not only won the war, but it also carried out the revolution that resulted in the formation of the secular Republic of Turkey.

It is a law of history and society.

It is natural that every revolution is opposed by a counter-revolution.

🟉

This truth is exactly what is happening in Turkey right now. The counter-revolutionary enemies of Atatürk are now saying that Vahdettin sent Mustafa Kemal to Anatolia in an attempt to clear the name of the last Ottoman sultan, a man who corroborated with the enemy.

This book you hold is an objective slap in the face to these counter-revolutionaries. Now that this meticulous and realistic work by Alev Coşkun has been released, a book that demonstrates its objective approach with the academic backing of social and political sciences, the truth is coming out.

It is putting an end to a baseless and malicious falsehood.

However, something else accomplished by Alev Coşkun is that he gives a concrete answer to the most important question facing Turkey today.

What is that?

The fact that no military power can achieve its aims unless it is backed by political will. If the Armed Forces are viewed as a hostile force by those wielding political power, it is serving not the nation or the people but their enemies.

There are important and striking lessons in Alev Coşkun’s book that apply to our situation.

(October 2008)

PREFACE TO THE 21ST EDITION

History books are serious works. At least they have a sullen look and are not merry. If they are based on documents, footnotes are required. But, it is difficult and troublesome to read a book with footnotes.

Therefore, it is more than a little surprising that a book with more than 650 footnotes for documented references is now being printed for the 21st time. The author is extremely honored and proud that the book has acquired such a broad readership.

The reason that the book has sparked such interest is that it sheds light on a period of time in our War of Independence about which few details are known, the six months that Atatürk spent in Istanbul before going to Samsun, a period that demonstrates yet again Atatürk’s genius when it comes to timing, policy and strategy.

It is also address the false allegations made by the anti-Atatürk movement, and it does so with documents. There is no doubt that the increased interest shown by readers in the life of the great leader Atatürk has been an important part of the book’s success.

I reread the book from beginning to end prior to its reprinting, correcting a few sections, making additions and expanding my commentary.

We are going through a difficult period as the founding philosophy of the Republic of Turkey and its fundamental principles are being debated and the counter-revolutionaries have overturned all of our values. This is the political setting in which the 21st edition of the book is being published exactly 94 years after Atatürk arrived in Samsun.

I want to express my sincere gratitude to all of my readers who have honored the book with their interest and are the reason it has been reprinted so many times.

With sincere commitment to and respect for Atatürk, the leader of our National Struggle and founder of the Republic of Turkey and his Enlightened Reforms.

Alev Coşkun

April 2013

PREFACE FOR ENGLISH EDITION

In the preface to his book entitled Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, Lord Kinross

says,

Mustafa Kemal, later Kemal Ataturk, was an outstanding soldier-statesman of the first half of the twentieth century. He differed from the dictators of his age in two significant respects: his foreign policy was based not on expansion but on retraction of frontiers; his home policy on the foundation of o political system which could survive his own time. It was in this realistic spirit that he regenerated his country, transforming the  old sprawling Ottoman Empire into a compact new Turkish Republic.

In his book entitled Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Andrew Mango, another English author, writes the following introductory paragraph  about Atatürk. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk is one of the most important statesmen of the twentieth century. He established and shaped the Turkish republic, today the strongest state between the Adriatic and China in the broad Eurasian land belt south of Russia and north of the Indian subcontinent. He influenced the history of his country’s neighbours. For peoples ruled by foreigners, he showed a way to national independence in amity with the rest of the world.

***

The conclusions reached by these famous authors could not be more accurate.

Atatürk’s success in the War of Independence would serve as a model for several nations in Asia and Africa. However, this was not a victory easily won.

The Ottoman Empire allied itself with Germany in WWI and ended the war a defeated power. The Armistice of Mudros was signed on October 30, 1918. The occupation of territory belonging to the Ottoman Empire commenced immediately.

British troops entered the petroleum-producing regions in Iraq that belonged to  the Ottoman State, occupying Mosul on November 6, 1918. On November 13, 1918, British, French and Italian warships arrived in Istanbul to occupy the capital of the Ottoman State as outlined in the provisions of the Armistice of Mudros. Greek forces supported by the British occupied Izmir on May 15, 1919, after which they advanced into the Anatolian hinterland, establishing military control over the entire Aegean.

In similar fashion, the Italians occupied the territory in the southern Aegean around Kuşadası, Muğla and Denizli.

French forces seized the southern Anatolian coast, occupying the strategic cities of Adana, Maraş and Urfa.

In summary, Ottoman lands were being divided up among the victors of WWI.  The subsequent Treaty of Sevres was an international treaty designed to make all of these occupations binding.

The Turks would be left a very small territory in central Anatolia.

An objective analysis of the facts would conclude that it was mathematically impossible for the Turkish nation to achieve independence, especially since the capital and most of its territory was occupied. The idea of establishing a new Turkish state was particularly illogical. To be blunt, it was impossible.

Yet, it was in this state of chaos and disarray that Mustafa Kemal, newly appointed Army Inspector, left Istanbul for the Anatolia city of Samsun. It was May 19, 1919.

This date was undoubtedly a crucial turning point for the Turkish people. It marks the actual start of the War of Independence launched by Mustafa Kemal in Anatolia. This war was the first war of independence fought by nations that had been colonized or semi- colonized.

How did this war get started? How was it planned and executed? How was victory achieved against the super powers of the day?

These are questions that have driven a lot of research, resulting in numerous books and articles. The book you now hold is the documented story of how the foundations for the Anatolia Revolution were laid.

Mustafa Kemal arrived in Istanbul on November 13, 1918 just 14 days after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros that ended World War I, and he left Istanbul for Anatolia on May 16, 1919. He remained in Istanbul while it was under enemy occupation for exactly six months. During this time, he was making preparations for the war of independence.

This is why the original name of this book in Turkish was The Six Mysterious Months Before Samsun - Occupation, Sorrow and Preparation. The book takes an in- depth look at his preparations and contacts in the six months he stayed in the occupied capital of Istanbul. It is a documented investigation of his relations with the Sultan, the work of the British Secret Service in Istanbul and the French-Italian situation.

***

This war of independence would serve as an example for people living under colonialism around the world. After the Turkish War of Independence, several nations in India, Asia and Africa followed in his footsteps to gain their independence.

I owe a debt of gratitude to those who have made it possible to publish the English version of this book.

I want to express my sincere thanks to Mr. Savaş Özüölmez for taking on the project and seeing it through to the end, to Ms. Duygu Özyeşil for coordinating the work and to Mr. Robert Johnson for his faithful English translation of the book.

It is my hope that everyone who reads the English version will gain a deeper insight into this crucial time in history.

Alev Coşkun

Istanbul, September 2019

FOREWORD

This book is neither a classic history book nor is it a historical novel. It is a political and sociological analysis of a specific six-month period.

It tells the breathtaking story of the six months Atatürk spent in Istanbul before leaving for Samsun. The events that transpired during this period are examined in great detail, and the relationships are subjected to objective psychological scrutiny.

What was the purpose of this analysis? There are two.

First of all, the six-month period that Atatürk spent in Istanbul before heading for Samsun is not very well known. But, it was during this time that Atatürk contemplated and planned the great Anatolian Insurrection that he would eventually undertake.

Secondly, in recent years a movement focused on creating an alternative history has appeared in circles called liberal, or religious or the second republicans. Speaking broadly, these authors are making preposterous claims to belittle what Atatürk accomplished. They try to minimize the importance of the national war, trivialize Atatürk’s accomplishments by gnawing away at certain truths and raising certain questions and instead exalt Vahdettin, the last sultan.

For example, this is what they say about Atatürk’s departure for Anatolia:

● Mustafa Kemal was given broad powers by Sultan Vahdettin when he went to Samsun. The sultan actually intended to ignite a War of Independence in Anatolia...

Or they stoop so low as to make the following claim:

● Mustafa Kemal was a British agent, which is why it was so easy for him to go to Samsun. Or, they say that his other friends (Ali Fuat and Karabekir) went to Anatolia before Atatürk, who was late to the party... There are numerous other claims just as ludicrous as these.

While examining the documents related to these affairs, I found that the decree of appointment giving Atatürk such broad powers was drawn up not by the sultan but by Atatürk himself and that Atatürk personally dictated the important elements of the decree. This was when I realized that our knowledge about our epic war of independence was too shallow.

Another point that is hard to believe is that Atatürk wanted to be the Minister of War in the challenging days after the Armistice of Mudros. While trying to understand the fundamental reasons for this, I was dumbfounded to learn that Atatürk wanted to take Sultan Vahdettin to Anatolia and direct the national resistance with the sultan as a last resort.

Atatürk begins The Speech by saying, I landed in Samsun on the 19th day of May in 1919, and he proceeds to explain the period up until 1927 based on documents. However, the six months that Atatürk spent in Istanbul under the ceasefire before leaving for Samsun were critical. Yet, no detailed study has been conducted of this time period.

The Turks were the first to resist the imperialist invaders from 1919 to 1922 and waged the first War of Independence as an example to all other nations.

This heroic war is basically taught in school as follows:

Atatürk landed in Samsun on May 19, 1919. He organized the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, and he managed to convene the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in Ankara. He established a regular army, and after an almost three-year war our army was victorious and saved the homeland.

Is that all there was to it? How is it that Mustafa Kemal went to Samsun to begin this struggle when the Ottoman Empire was in total disarray and partially occupied? How did he manage to publish the famous Amasya Declaration of Revolution just one month after setting foot in Samsun, and was then able to organize the congresses in Erzurum and Sivas within just a few months? How did he rejuvenate the National Forces? How did he unite the local resistance forces in Anatolia? What was the infrastructure that made this possible?

Mustafa Kemal spent a full six months in Istanbul before leaving for Samsun. What did he do for six months in Istanbul? Did he live it up in Istanbul, a city gripped by poverty and defeat on the one hand while on the other hand offering every type of entertainment, or was he planning what he would do in Anatolia?

The following questions are both important and very interesting.

During this time, Atatürk was wanted to be named Minister of War. Why? Did he really want to marry Vahdettin’s daughter Sabiha during this time? Or did the sultan want to bring Mustafa Kemal into the palace as a son-in-law?

Why was Mustafa Kemal not arrested when former politicians, soldiers and the leaders of Union and Progress were arrested by the Ottoman government under pressure from the British? How did he manage to escape?

What sort of relations did Mustafa Kemal have with the occupying British, French and Italians? Did the Italians give Mustafa Kemal and his comrades money and weapons in the Aegean region and recommend that he form paramilitary units to fight the Greeks? Is this unbelievable claim true? If it is true, what were the reasons and what was the infrastructure?

The book you now hold tries to answer these and many similar questions. The answers you will find here are based on documents. This book is the result of many years of patient research. There are footnotes for every claim and every conclusion, and there are definitely supporting documents.

Why 6 Months?

The name of the book is 6 Months. The reason is that the actions Atatürk would implement in Anatolia were shaped and formed during this six-month period in Istanbul. Atatürk was deeply grieved and profoundly impacted during this six months as he witnessed occupying forces patrolling the streets of Istanbul. He tried to work within a political framework during this six months, but he discovered the cruel and treacherous side of politics. He saw the betrayal and experienced the fiery trial of politics.

But, it was during this six months that Mustafa Kemal made his preparations for the war of independence that would be waged against the imperialist invaders, just like a silk worm weaving its cocoon. If this period is not understood, then the underpinnings of the National War of Independence waged for approximately three years in Anatolia cannot be appreciated.

Basic References

We must briefly draw attention to the basic references upon which our research is based since we have stated that this period is not well known or studied. The Speech given by Atatürk at the 2nd CHP Assembly for six days from October 15-20, 1927 covers the very important period from May 19, 1919 to 1927.

Atatürk had Falih Rıfkı and Mahmut Soydan, editors of the newspapers Hâkimiyet-i Milliye and Milliyet, write his memoirs of the period before May 19, 1919 approximately one and half years before he gave The Speech.

These memoirs began to be published in both of these newspapers on March 12, 1926 as the Memoirs of Our Ghazi Pasha and on March 15, 1926 in Cumhuriyet newspaper. This series of articles was promoted by saying, These invaluable memoirs will illuminate aspects of the revolution that not everyone is aware of.¹

With regard to these memoirs published in Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper, Atatürk emphasized their importance by saying, After reading my explanations and the documents that I have provided as a basis for what I have said, I invite the entire Turkish nation and especially Turkish intellectuals to employ their minds and conscience to make a decision. (April 10, 1926). These memoirs shed light on the period before The Speech and should be regarded as a complement to The Speech.

Therefore, they were used as a fundamental reference in this book. The book also pays close attention to the memoirs of Atatürk’s close friends during this time, namely Rauf Orbay, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Fethi Okyar, Kâzım Karabekir and İsmet İnönü.

In addition, extensive use was made of the following books: Görüp İşittiklerim (What I Saw and Heard) by Ali Fuat Türkgeldi and Son Osmanlı Sarayında Gördüklerim (What I Witnessed in the Last Ottoman Palace) by Lütfi Simavi, Sultan Vahdettin’s Secretary, Atatürk: Hayatı ve Eseri (Atatürk: His Life and Works) by Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, who served as the secretary general for the Office of the President during Atatürk’s term and spoke with Atatürk to obtain first-hand knowledge when writing the book, Atatürk’ün İstanbul’daki Çalışmaları (1899-1919) (Atatürk’s Activities in Istanbul) by Sadi Borak, recent research related to this period of time by Sabahattin Selek, Prof. Sina Akşin, Prof. Şerafettin Turan and many other authors, as well as Tek Adam (One Man) by Şevket Süreyya Aydemir.

The Archives of the British Government from this time period are now accessible. The books by German scientist Prof. Dr. Gothard Jaeschke, researcher and author Bilal N. Şimşir and Prof. Dr. Salahi S. Sonyel made extensive use of these documents.

In addition to all of the domestic authors, books that foreigners (Kinross, Mango, F. Ahmad, Zürcher, Lewis, Villalta, Mikusch, etc.) have written about Atatürk and almost all of the articles were reviewed, utilized and documented in the footnotes. There are more than 700 footnotes in the book, and various issues are also documented with materials, graphics and pictures.

My research essentially begins with the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918. The developments of November-December 1918 and in the months of January, February, March, April and May of 1919 are examined in detail with particular attention given to the accuracy of dates. Special attention is given to the chain of events that triggered political developments as well as the conditions of the day, foreign and domestic developments, the factors driving the incidents and behind-the-scenes political developments. Analysis is based on objective and psychological circumstances.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk

The name Mustafa Kemal is what is used most frequently in the book because the name Atatürk was not used from November 1918-May 1919. Only a handful of patriots believed that the homeland would be saved, and there was no one who believed that a Republic would later be established. Therefore, the focus on the name Mustafa Kemal does not indicate that we prefer it to Atatürk, which is what some authors mean. On the contrary, unless Mustafa Kemal is rightly understood, Atatürk, the leader of the first anti-imperialist war and later the leader of the Turkish revolution of enlightenment, cannot be understood or appreciated. The reason is that these two names are flip sides of the same coin.

The War of Independence did not start on May 19, 1919, but in October of 1918 when Mustafa Kemal, the commander of the Thunderbolt Armies, withdrew his Turkish forces to the Anatolian hinterland and established the boundaries of the National Pact in the South with the bayonets of the Turkish infantry. This is addressed in the book.

My research will help shed light on the six months prior to his departure for Samsun during which Atatürk laid the groundwork for the War of Independence amidst hardship, pain and sorrow but with detailed preparations.

We have already stated that this is not a history book, and the author is not a historian. This book is the work of researcher with a background in the social sciences. After studying law, the author obtained a doctorate in social and political science, but he spent a large portion of his life very involved in politics and political organizations. Therefore, the author’s fifty years of cultural background and his breadth of experience in political organizations has contributed significantly to the political analysis in the book.

The book focuses particularly on the social framework, domestic and foreign political incidents, their background, effects and the chain of events that trigger them. The organizational background driving political events and relationships are demonstrated in order to make a synthesis that unites the pieces that led to these events. Obviously, there is no such thing as flawless research. It is the building block for further research. Therefore, the author is open to criticism and contributions on any matter.

I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to Aynur Ercan and Sema Nur Aydın, who helped enter my texts at various stages of writing, to Serpil Ünay, who skillfully handled the typesetting, to Mine Şirin, who edited the book, to Müge Kaygusuz, who did a meticulous job with the graphics, to Ahmet Sungur, who did the cover layout, and to Cumhur Ercan, who put together the visual materials, to my granddaughter Yasemin Coşkun, who organized the References section, to Cumhuriyet Books Editor Zeynep Atayaman, who read the book from beginning to end and made important recommendations, to Cumhuriyet Books CEO Fazilet Kuza, who encouraged me during the process of writing, and to Deniz Som, who brainstormed with me, to Printing Coordinator Önder Çelik and Kurtiş Printing for their attention to detail in the printing.

If I have been able to put the six months before the departure for Samsun under the microscope, and if I have been able to answer some questions and shed light on the complex web of relationships and political interactions, and if I have contributed to the understanding of Atatürk’s greatness as a leader, I will consider myself blessed.

Alev Coşkun

September 2008

1

INTRODUCTION

Mustafa Kemal’s Work in Istanbul

Mustafa Kemal rose to the rank of Army Commander at a young age. The six months between his arrival in Istanbul on November 13, 1918 and his departure on May 16, 1919 were crammed with activity. It was six months filled with sorrow, pain and danger.

During this time, lots of contacts were made. There were numerous meetings, discussions and initiatives as well as new relationships formed.

During this time, Mustafa Kemal developed relationships with the leaders of the Freedom and Accord Party, which was the polar opposite of the Party of Union and Progress. He spoke with commanders from Anatolia and organizations from Thrace. He viewed relations with the media as especially important, and even became a partner in a newspaper called Miniber, working behind the scenes as the chief editor.

He did not shrink from contacts with foreigners and had discussions with the British and the Italians. He did not break off relations with Sultan Vahdettin and met with him six times during this six-month period.

Political Prowess

For six months, Mustafa Kemal worked to find new ways forward and create new options in the face of sorrow and despair. He occasionally withdrew to recharge. He reassessed the latest developments. Professor Bayur, who was alive at the time, said, Mustafa Kemal demonstrated his greatest political talent during this six-month period in Istanbul.²

Although Mustafa Kemal had been promoted to the rank of general for his success in the Battle of Çanakkale (Gallipoli), he was just 37 years old when he arrived in Istanbul. The only time he spent in a somewhat civilian position was the 15 months in Sophia, where he served as a military attaché (October 27, 1913-January 1915). He had also been part of the escort for Vahdettin on an official visit to Germany while he was the Crown Prince (December 15, 1917 - January 4, 1918). So, there he was in Istanbul occupied by British, French and Italian forces; a young commander who had spent his entire adult life as a soldier except for 15 months and 20 days, a general without an assignment, who had been put on the shelf, forced into civilian life. Until that day, Mustafa Kemal had been a soldier and commander, but in Istanbul he demonstrated the political skill of a diplomat. Mustafa Kemal’s primary strategy in Istanbul and his mantra can be summarized as: Our country and people are going through difficult times. Let’s unite to save the country. We will resolve other matters later. This language was focused on the liberation and peace of the homeland and its people and softened not only the leaders of Party of Union and Progress and the Freedom and Accord Party but the supporters of the Sultan as well.

The Three Primary Phases of the Work in Istanbul

The work that Mustafa Kemal carried out in Istanbul can be summarized in three primary phases.

Phase One: Political Initiatives

During this phase, Mustafa Kemal worked to become part of the government serving as the Minister of War. He engaged in political activity through legal avenues. He went to parliament in civilian attire and had meetings with the members of parliament.

Phase Two: Revolutionary Coup Initiatives

When it became clear that the first plan of attack was impossible, Mustafa Kemal and his comrades considered revolutionary methods. They investigated the idea of a revolution to overthrow the government with a coup and create a new government that included the National Forces. The formed a Revolutionary Committee to carry this out.

Phase Three: The Decision to Go to Anatolia

When it became clear that it was impossible to secure a position with the government in spite of all his efforts and that neither a peaceful nor a revolutionary approach would yield results, he began making plans to cross over to the Anatolian hinterland, and he started working on putting together the team that would lead the war of independence from Anatolia.

Making Full Use of His Relational Network

During all these stages, Mustafa Kemal never lapsed in his relationships with the Sultan, the British, the Italians, former politicians, newspaper reporters, former commanders and young officers, but simultaneously maintained them all. He maintained such close relations with the Sultan that the possibility of him becoming a bridegroom in the palace was discussed while he developed his friendship with Princess Mevhibe Celalettin, who was considered not only beautiful but also culturally literate, and he tasked her with gathering information. Summaries depicting what it was like in this 6-month period in Istanbul and Mustafas Kemal’s actions at this time are provided below in his own words.

The Tragic Circumstances in Istanbul

I was thinking about the new state of affairs at my house in Şişli. The streets of Istanbul are filled with Allied soldiers wielding bayonets. The Straits are so covered with enemy battleships pointing their guns in every direction that the turquoise waters are invisible. No one can leave their house except for absolute necessities. In order to avoid the worst insults imaginable, they literally hugged the walls along the streets in fear. The only things rising on the Istanbul horizon were enemy flags, enemy bayonets, enemy movements and enemy voices.

Visit to Parliament in Civilian Attire

Following the decision issued at the Grand Vizier’s Mansion, each of us began working on every possibility. Since the first job was to bring down the cabinet, I immediately sought contacts in the National Parliament. I spoke with my old friends who were parliamentarians. I laid out my views and asked them to put me in contact with a large audience of parliamentarians. Under their guidance, I first went to the Parliamentary building in Fındıklı wearing civilian attire.

What Can Be Done?

...I spoke with my old friends and all of us were asking each other the same thing: What can be done? Among those I contacted were former Unionists, or those who supported the Allies and some that corroborated with the occupying forces I had completely different discussions with each of them.

Revolutionary Committee

One day, after a lengthy discussion with four mutual friends, we decided to form a revolutionary committee, and we began to consider revolutionary measures: replacing the Sultan, deposing the cabinet, and taking more determined action to establish a new government.

Assassinating Vahdettin and Overthrowing the Government

Days came and went. Mustafa Kemal and some of his comrades came to the following conclusion: It would be impossible to achieve any meaningful result from assassination and government overthrow. In the end, the new ruler and new government would not be liberated from enemy bayonets.

Leaving for Anatolia at an Opportune Time

However, I continued meeting with my contacts. Some of them had no competency either for action or ideas; they offered only unadulterated patriotic zeal. Some of them still thought only in terms of base political interests. I made myself a promise. I would disappear from Istanbul at the appropriate time when there was an opportunity, enter Anatolia with a bare bones organization, work anonymously for a while, and then tell the entire Turkish nation about the disaster!

Hidden Secret

I did not disclose this carefully guarded secret to anyone until it was time. I continued to my contacts as if I had not made such a decision.

Preparation Phase - There Should be No Fanfare

I devoted a portion of this time to preparations. As you can imagine, mental preparations cannot be achieved with fanfare as if we were gathering soldiers for a campaign. Mental preparations require that you work humbly, obliterate your ego and create a sincere impression on those you interact with.³

The above excerpts from his writings describe in his own words the stages in the six months Mustafa Kemal spent in Istanbul. But how did the details work out?⁴ Now, we can move on to the details and the phases of this exciting patriotic adventure. We must begin at the end of WWI.

2

THE END OF WORLD WAR I

● Armistice of Mudros

● Mustafa Kemal Opposes the Armistice of Mudros

The Ottoman Empire was practically drug into WWI in October of 1914 and was only able to exit the war with massive losses by means of the Armistice of Mudros signed on October 18, 1918. In this horrific four-year war, the Ottoman Armies fought on many far-flung fronts: Çanakkale, Caucasus, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, the Hejaz, Yemen, the Suez Canal, Macedonia, Galicia and Romania. Why did it fight on so many fronts? Because the Ottoman Empire was being directed at the time by the German government. The aim was to keep the British occupied on eleven different fronts for the benefit of Germany. The Bulgarian front, where Germany and the Ottoman Empire fought together, collapsed in September of 1918. Bulgaria asked for a ceasefire on September 29, 1918 followed immediately by Germany, so they essentially withdrew from the war. The Ottoman Empire was left with no recourse and requested a ceasefire on October 5, 1918. The Armistice of Mudros was signed following negotiations conducted on the British warship Agamemnon in Mudros Bay on the Aegean island of Limni. It contained important political articles that went far beyond disarmament or a ceasefire. The fundamental principles of this ceasefire agreement, which aimed to dismember the Ottoman state and occupy various regions of the Ottoman Empire, are frightening. The important points can be summarized as follows:⁵

● The Dardanelles and the Istanbul straits would be opened and the military fortifications along the straits would be occupied by the victorious states (Britain, France and Italy).. (Article 1)

● The prisoners of war held by the Turks and especially all of the captured Armenians would be set free; but the prisoners of war captured by the Allies would not be returned. (Article 4)

● The soldiers of the Ottoman state would be discharged and all weapons and munitions would be handed over to the Allies.

● Ottoman warships would be handed over to the Allies and kept under guard at a specified port.

● Allied officials would oversee all railways, tunnels in the Taurus mountains, all shipyards and ports and all telegraph and wireless systems. (Article 10, 12, 15)

● The Allied powers would be allowed to occupy six of the eastern provinces (Erzurum, Van, Bitlis, Elazığ, Sivas and Diyarbadır (Vilayat-ı Siite) in the event of civil disorder. (Article 24)

● And the most important and dangerous of all, the Allies would have the right to occupy any region or strategic point if faced with a situation that would threaten their own security. (Article 7) This agreement was clearly not a ceasefire. It was a political agreement and demonstrates how the victors in WWI wanted to occupy the Turkish homeland from one end to the other. ⁶

The Significance of the Armistice of Mudros

The Armistice of Mudros might be the most onerous agreement the Turks ever signed. The intent was to bury the Ottoman Empire in the pages of history, render Anatolia unarmed and undefended and divide up the territories of the Ottoman Empire.

Commander of the Thunderbolt Armies Liman von Sanders and Commander of the 7th Army Mustafa Kemal were at the front.

Atatürk outlined the truth of the Armistice of Mudros as follows: With this agreement, the Ottoman government has agreed to surrender unconditionally to the enemy. It has not only agreed to occupation of the homeland, but it has promised to help the enemy in this endeavor. If this agreement is implemented in its current form, there is no doubt that the country will be occupied and invaded from one end to the other.⁷

Mustafa Kemal Becomes Commander of the Thunderbolt Armies:

The Precautions for the National Forces

When the ceasefire agreement was signed on October 30, 1918, Atatürk was commander of the 7th Army under the command of the Thunderbolt Army Group. Thunderbolt Army Group Commander Marshall Liman von Sanders appointed Mustafa Kemal Pasha in his place when he departed from Ottoman territories.⁸ The farewell letter Liman von Sanders sent to the entire army when he resigned his command said:

I am leaving the command of the Army Group in the capable hands of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who has earned distinction in many battles... .⁹

The First Precaution: Birth of the National Forces

When Mustafa Kemal assumed group command of the Thunderbolt Armies, he knew very well that he was assuming command of a battle-weary army exhausted from fighting in Syria and Palestine. The ceasefire agreement had been signed but what could be done with this army?

In an interview with Falih Rıfkı Atay in 1926, he described what he was thinking at that point:

...First of all, I was of the opinion that in spite of all the disaster that had befallen them, the two armies under my command could make the Turkish voice heard if it were strengthened in the manner I had prepared. I set to work with this end in mind.¹⁰

His setting to work was the first precaution for the formation of the National Forces and the War of Independence.

Ten Days with the Commander of the Thunderbolt Armies: Mustafa Kemal Opposes the Armistice of Mudros

The Ministry of War informed all of the military units that the ceasefire agreement had been signed on October 30, 1918 and ordered compliance with the conditions of the ceasefire. The ceasefire was depicted in the Istanbul press as well as at the palace and in the government as the peace achieved. The press was heaping praise on the agreement and making positive statements on behalf of the government. Newspapers said, the independence of the state and the law of the Sultanate have been preserved. In spite of the positive stance taken by those involved, Mustafa Kemal thought the agreement was complex and very dangerous. In an urgent encrypted telegraph to the Ministry of War dated November 3, 1918, he asked for an explanation of the following critical issues: Taurus Tunnels, Syrian Border, Cilicia and discharge of soldiers. He asked what the purpose of these descriptions were.

Mustafa Kemal is Made Commander of the Thunderbolt Armies

after the Armistice of Mudros (November 1918)

Mustafa Kemal’s Opposition

Mustafa Kemal ordered the military units under his command to oppose any occupation without waiting for the answers to his questions from the Ministry of War. Mustafa Kemal’s orders were violations of the Armistice of Mudros that indicated his opposition. He was actually taking precautions for the future.

Occupation Begins

Within a few days, the occupation foreseen by Mustafa Kemal but not by the Istanbul government began. The British made Iskenderun a priority.

Armed Resistance to the Occupation

In the orders to the commanders and units under