Paris under the Commune: The Seventy-Three Days of the Second Siege; with Numerous Illustrations, Sketches Taken on the Spot, and Portraits (from the Original Photographs)
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John Leighton
John Leighton received a BA in philosophy from the University of Minnesota and a JD from William Mitchell College of Law. He practiced law in Minneapolis for more than thirty years before retiring. He and his wife, Susan, live on a lake in northwestern Wisconsin.
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Paris under the Commune - John Leighton
John Leighton
Paris under the Commune
The Seventy-Three Days of the Second Siege; with Numerous Illustrations, Sketches Taken on the Spot, and Portraits (from the Original Photographs)
Published by Good Press, 2022
goodpress@okpublishing.info
EAN 4057664616814
Table of Contents
PREFACE.
PARIS
INTRODUCTORY.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXVI.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVIII.
XLIX.
L.
LI.
LII.
LIII.
LIV.
LV.
LVI.
LVII.
LVIII.
LIX.
LX.
LXI.
LXII.
LXIII.
LXIV.
LXV.
LXVI.
LXVII.
LXVIII.
LXIX.
LXX.
LXXI.
LXXII.
LXXIII.
LXXIV.
LXXVI.
LXXVII.
LXXVIII.
LXXIX.
LXXX.
LXXXI.
LXXXII.
LXXXIV.
LXXXVI.
LXXXVII.
LXXXVIII.
LXXXIX.
XC.
XCI.
XCII.
XCIII.
XCIV.
XCV.
XCVII.
XCVIII.
XCIX.
C.
CI.
APPENDIX.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE PARISIAN INSURRECTION,
XIV.
XV.
XVI
XVII.
INDEX TO PLAN.
PREFACE.
Table of Contents
Early in June of the present year I was making notes and sketches, without the least idea of what I should do with them. I was at the Mont-Parnasse Station of the Western Railway, awaiting a train from Paris to St. Cloud. Our fellow passengers, as we discovered afterwards, were principally prisoners for Versailles; the guards, soldiers; and the line, for two miles at least, appeared desolation and ruin.
The façade of the station, a very large one, was pockmarked all over by Federal bullets, whilst cannon balls had cut holes through the stone wall as if it had been cheese, and gone down the line, towards Cherbourg or Brest! The restaurant below was nearly annihilated, the counters, tables, and chairs being reduced to a confused heap. But there was a book-stall and on that book-stall reposed a little work, entitled the Bataille des Sept Jours,
a brochure which a friend bought and gave to me, saying, "Voilà la texte de vos croquis," From seven days my ideas naturally wandered to seventy-three—the duration of the reign of the Commune—and then again to two hundred and twenty days—that included the Commune of 1871 and its antecedents. Hence this volume, which I liken to a French château, to which I have added a second storey and wings.
And now that the house is finished, I must render my obligations to M. Mendès and numerous French friends, for their kind assistance and valuable aid, including my confrères of "The Graphic," who have allowed me to enliven the walls with pictures from their stores; and last, and not least, my best thanks are due to an English Peer, who placed at my disposal his unique collection of prints and journals of the period bearing upon the subject—a subject I am pretty familiar with. Powder has done its work, the smell of petroleum has passed away, the house that called me master has vanished from the face of the earth, and my concierge and his wife are reported fusillés by the Versaillais; and to add to the disaster, my rent was paid in advance, having been deposited with a notaire prior to the First Siege…. But my neighbours, where are they? In my immediate neighbourhood six houses were entirely destroyed, and as many more half ruined. I can only speak of one friend, an amiable and able architect, who, alas! remonstrated in person, and received a ball from a revolver through the back of his neck. His head is bowed for life. He has lost his pleasure and his treasure, a valuable museum of art,—happily they could not burn his reputation, or the monument of his life—a range of goodly folio volumes that exist "pour tous."
L.
LONDON, 1871
PREFACE
LIST OF PLATES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER—The 30th October, 1870—The Hôtel de Ville invaded—Governor Trochu resigns—A Revolt attempted—Meetings, Place de la Bastille—The Prussians enter Paris—Hostility of the National Guard
I. The Memorable 18th of March—Line and Nationals
Fraternise—Discipline at a Discount
II. Assassination of Generals Lecomte and Clément Thomas
III. Proclamation of M. Picard—The Government retires to Versailles
IV. The New Regime Proclaimed—Obscurity of New Masters
V. Paris Hesitates—Small Sympathy with Versailles
VI. The Buttes Montmartre
VII. An Issue Possible—An Approved Proclamation
VIII. Demonstration of the Friends of Order
IX. The Drama of the Rue de la Paix—Victims to Order
X. A Wedding
XI. The Bourse and Belleville
XII. Watching and Waiting
XIII. A Timid but Prudent Person
XIV Some Federal Opinions
XV. Proclamation of Admiral Saisset—Paris Satisfied.
XVI. A Widow
XVII. The Central Committee Triumphs
XVIII. Paris Elections
XIX. The Commune a Fact—A Motley Assembly
XX. Proclamation of the Elections
XXI. A Batch of Official Decrees—Landlord, and Tenant
XXII. Requisitions and Feasts
XXIII. Removals and Retirements
XXIV. A General Flight
XXV. An Envoy to Garibaldi
XXVI. Commencement of Civil War—Beyond the Arc de Triomphe
XXVII. Mont Valérien opens on the Federals—Contradictory News
XXVIII. Death of General Duval—Able Administration
XXIX. Antipathy to the Church—The Archbishop Interrogated
XXX. The Accomplices of Versailles
XXXI. Death of Colonel Flourens
XXXII. The Cross and the Red Flag
XXXIII. Colonel Assy of Creuzot—Disgrace of Lullier
XXXIV. Fighting goes on
XXXV. Federal Funerals
XXXVI. Prudent Counsel
XXXVII. Suppression of Newspapers
XXXVIII. The Second Bombardment—Avenue de la Grande Armée—Reckless Aim of the Versaillais
XXXIX. The Plan of Bergeret
XL. Another General—Police and Pressgang—A Citizen of the World
XLI. Women and Children
XLII. Why is Conciliation Impossible?
XLIII. The Portable Guillotine
XLIV. The Common Grave
XLV. Idle Paris
XLVI. The Press
XLVII. Day follows Day
XLVIII. The Condemned Column—Model Decrees
XLIX. Thiers and Conciliation—Paris and France
L. Communist Caricatures—Political Satire
LI. Gustave Courbet—Federation of Art—Courbet, President
LII. Camp, Place Vendôme
LIII. Elections of the 16th of April
LIV. The Change
under the Commune
LV. Elections sans Electors—Farce of Universal Suffrage
LVI. À la Mode de Londres
LVII. The Little Sisters of the Poor
LVIII. Bécon and Asnières taken—Declaration to the French
People—Federation of Communes—The Commune or the Deluge
LIX. A Court-Martial
LX. A Heroic Gamin
LXI. Killing the Dead
LXII. The Truce at Neuilly—Porte-Maillot destroyed—Neuilly in Ruins
LXIII. Masonic Mediation—The Envoy of Peace—Citizens and Brothers—A
White Flag on Porte-Maillot
LXIV. Prudent Monsieur Pyat
LXV. Resources of the Commune—The Royal Road to Riches
LXVI. The Prophecy of Proudhon
LXVII. Revolutionary Balloons
LXVIII. A Confession of Conscience
LXIX. Communist Journalism—Sensation Articles
LXX. Fort Issy falls
LXXI. Cluseret arrested
LXXII. The Executive Commission—Committee of Public Safety
LXXIII. A Competent Tribunal
LXXIV. The Password betrayed
LXXV. The Condemned Chapel
LXXVI. Restitution is Robbery
LXXVII. The Nuns of Picpus
LXXVIII. Rossel resigns—The Semblance of a Government
LXXIX. Want of Funds—The Sinews of War
LXXX. Passwords—The Chariot of Apollo—Refractories
LXXXI. Sacrilege—Clubs in the Churches
LXXXII. Refractories in Danger
LXXXIII. The Home of M. Thiers, Demolition and Removal
LXXXIV. Filial Love
LXXXV. Communal Secessionists—Save himself who can
LXXXVI. The Failing Cause—The Column Vendôme falls
LXXXVII. A Concert at the Tuileries
LXXXVIII. Cartridge Magazine Explosion
LXXXIX. The Advent of Action—Paris ceases to smile
XC. The Troops enter—Street Fortifications—Insurgents at home
XCI. Arrests and Murders
XCII. Fire and Sword
XCIII. Barricade at the Place de Clichy
XCIV. Rack and Ruin
XCV. Bloodshed and Brigandage
XCVI. Hôtel de Ville on Fire—A Furnace
XCVII. Pétroleurs and Pétroleuses
XCVIII. Streets of Paris
XCIX. The Expiring Demons—The Hostages—Reprisals—Cemeteries
C. Sewers and Catacombs
CI. Mourning and Sadness
APPENDIX.
Chronology of the Commune
Memoir of Rochefort.
The 18th of March
The Prussians and the Commune
Memoir of Gambon
Memoir of Lullier
Memoir of Protot
Translation from Victor Hugo
Note of Jourde
Last Proclamations of the Commune
Note of Férré
The Hostages—Gendarmes, &c.
President Bonjean
Note of Urbain.
Devastations of Paris
Official Report of General Ladmirault
Ammunition expended on Second Siege of Paris
List of Monuments and Buildings destroyed
Index to Plan—Damage by Fire, &c.
[Illustration]
PARIS
Table of Contents
UNDER THE COMMUNE.
INTRODUCTORY.
Table of Contents
Late in the day of the 30th October, 1870, the agitation was great in Paris; the news had spread that the village of Le Bourget had been retaken by the Prussians. The military report had done what it could to render the pill less bitter by saying that "this village did not form a part of the system of defence," but the people though kept in ignorance perceived instinctively that there must be weakness on the part of the chiefs. After so much French blood had been shed in taking the place, men of brave will would not have been wanting to occupy it. We admit that Le Bourget may not have been important from a military point of view, but as regarding its moral effect its loss was much to be regretted.
The irritation felt by the population of Paris was changed into exasperation, when on the following day the news of the reduction of Metz appeared in the Official Journal:
The Government has just been acquainted with the sad intelligence of the capitulation of Metz. Marshal Bazaine and his army were compelled to surrender, after heroic efforts, which the want of food and ammunition alone rendered it impossible to maintain. They have been made prisoners of war.
And after this the Government talks of an armistice! What! Strasburg, Toul, Metz, and so many other towns have resisted to the last dire extremity, and Paris, who expects succour from the provinces, is to capitulate, while a single effort is left untried? Has she no more bread? No more powder? Have her citizens no more blood in their veins? No, no! No armistice!
In the morning, a deputation, formed of officers of the National Guards, went to the Hôtel de Ville to learn from the Government what were its intentions. They were received by M. Etienne Arago, who promised them that the decision should be made known to them about two o'clock.
The rappel was beaten at the time mentioned; battalions of the National
Guards poured into the Place, some armed, many without arms.
Over the sea of heads the eye was attracted by banners, and enormous placards bearing the inscriptions—
"Vive la République!
No Armistice!
or else
"Vive la Commune!
Death to Cowards!
Rochefort,[1] with several other members of the Government, shows himself at the principal gate, which is guarded by a company of Mobiles. General Trochu appears in undress; he is received with cries of "Vive la République! La levée en masse! No Armistice! The National Guards, who demand the levée en masse, would but cause a slaughter. We must have cannon first; we will have them. Alas! it had been far better to have had none whatever, as what follows will prove. While some cry,
Vive Trochu! others shout,
Down with Trochu!" Before long the Hôtel de Ville is invaded; the courts, the saloons, the galleries, all are filled. Each one offers his advice, but certain groups insist positively on the resignation of the Government. Lists of names are passed from hand to hand; among the names are those of Dorian (president), Schoelcher, Delescluze, Ledru Rollin, Félix Pyat.
[Illustration]
Cries are raised that if the Government refuse to resign, its members will be arrested.
Yes! yes! seize them!
And an officer springs forward to make them prisoners as they sit in council.
Excuse me, Monsieur, but what warrant have you for so doing?
asks one of the members.
I have nothing to do with warrants. I act in the name of the people!
Have you consulted the people? Those assembled here do not constitute the people.
The officer was disconcerted. Not long afterwards, however, the crowd is informed that the members of the Government are arrested.
The principal scene took place in the cabinet of the ex-prefect. Citizen Blanqui approaches the table; addressing the people, he requests them to evacuate the room so as to allow the commission to deliberate. The commission! What commission? Where does it spring from? No one knew anything of it, so the members must evidently have named themselves. Monsieur Blanqui had seen to that, no doubt. During this time the adjoining room is the theatre of the most extraordinary excitement; the men of the 106th Battalion, who were on guard in the interior of the Hôtel de Ville, are compelled to use their arms to prevent any one else entering. After some tumult and struggling, but without any spilling of blood, some National Guards of this battalion manage to fight their way through to the room in which the members of the Government are prisoners, and succeed in delivering them.
At about two o'clock in the morning, the 106th Battalion had completely cleared the Hôtel de Ville of the crowds. No violence had been done, and General Trochu was reviewing a body of men ranged in battle order, which extended from the Place de l'Hôtel de Ville to the Place de la Concorde. An hour later, quiet was completely restored.
The members of the Government, who had been incarcerated during several hours, now wished to show their authority; they felt that their power had been shaken, and saw the necessity of strengthening it. What can a Government do in such a case? Call for a plébiscite. But this time Paris alone was consulted, and for a good reason. Thus, on the 1st November, the people, of Paris were enjoined to express their wishes by answering yes or no to this simple question:—
Do the people of Paris recognise the authority of the Government for the National Defence?
This was clear, positive, and free from all ambiguity.
The partizans of the Commune declared vehemently that those who voted in the affirmative were reactionists. Give us the Commune of '93!
shouted those who thought they knew a little more about the matter than the rest. They were generally rather badly received. It is no use speaking of '93! Replace your Blanquis, your Félix Pyats, your Flourens by men like those of the grand revolution, and then we shall be glad to hear what you have to say on the subject.
The inhabitants of Montmartre, La-Chapelle, Belleville, behaved like good citizens, keeping a brave heart in the hour of misfortune.
However it came about, the Government was maintained by a majority of 557,995 votes against 62,638.
Well, Messieurs of the Commune, try again, or, still better, remain quiet.
During the night of the 21st of January the members of the National Defence and the chief officers of the army were assembled around the table in the council-room. They were still under the mournful impression left by the fatal day of the nineteenth, on which hundreds of citizens had fallen at Montretout, at Garches, and at Buzenval. Thanks to the want of foresight of the Government, the people of Paris were rationed to 300 grammes of detestable black bread a day for each person. All representations made to them had been in vain. Ration our bread by degrees, had been said, we should thus accustom ourselves to privation, and be prepared insensibly, for greater sufferings, while the duration of our provisions would be lengthened. But the answer always was: Bread? We shall have enough, and to spare.
When the great crisis was seen approaching, the public feeling showed itself by violent agitation. It was not surprising, therefore, that all the faces of these gentlemen at the council-table bore marks of great depression. The Governor of Paris offered his resignation, as he was in the habit of doing after every rather stormy sitting; but his colleagues refused to accept it, as they had before. What was to be done? Had not the Governor of Paris sworn never to capitulate? After a night spent in discussing the question, the members of Government decided on the following plan of action. You will see that it was as simple as it was innocent! The following announcement was placarded on all the walls:—
"The Government for the National Defence has decided that the chief commandment of the army of Paris shall in future be separate from the presidency of the Government.
"General Vinoy is named Commandant-in-Chief of the army of Paris.
The title and functions of the Governor of Paris are suppressed.
The trick is played: if they capitulate now, it will no longer be the act of the Governor of Paris. How ingenious this would have been, if it had not been pitiful!
General Trochu retains the presidency of the Government.
By the side of this placard was the proclamation of General Thomas.
"TO THE NATIONAL GUARD.
"Last night, a handful of insurgents forced open the prison of Mazas, and delivered several of the prisoners, amongst whom was M. Flourens. The same men attempted to occupy the mairie of the 20th arrondissement (Belleville), and to install the chiefs of the insurrection there; your commander-in-chief relies on your patriotism to repress this shameful sedition.
"The safety of Paris is at stake.
"While the enemy is bombarding our forts, the factions within our walls use all their efforts to paralyse the defence.
"In the name of the public good, in the name of law, and of the high and sacred duty that commands you all to unite in the defence of Paris, hold yourselves ready to frustrate this most criminal attempt; at the first call, let the National Guard rise to a man, and the perturbators will be struck powerless.
"The Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard,
"CLEMENT THOMAS.
"A true copy.
"Minister of the Interior ad interim,
"JULES FAVRE.
Paris, 22nd January, 1871.
In the morning, large groups of people assembled from mere curiosity, appeared on the Place of the Hôtel de Ville, which however wore a peaceful aspect.
At about half-past two in the afternoon, a detachment of a hundred and fifty armed National Guards issued from the Rue du Temple, and stationed themselves before the Hôtel de Ville, crying, Down with Trochu!
Long live the Commune!
A short colloquy was then held between several of the National Guards and some officers of the Mobiles, who spoke with perfect calmness. Suddenly, a shot is fired, and at the same moment, as in the grand scene of a melodrama, the windows and the great door are flung open, and two lines of Mobile Guards are seen, the front rank kneeling, the second standing, and all levelling their muskets and prepared to fire. Then came a volley which spread terror amidst the crowds of people in the Place, who precipitated themselves in all directions, uttering cries and shrieks. In another moment the Place is cleared. Ah! those famous chassepots can work miracles.
The insurgents, during this mad flight of men, women, and children, had answered the attack, some aiming from the shelter of angles and posts, others discharging their rifles from the windows of neighbouring houses.
Then the order to cease firing is heard, and a train of litterbearers, waving their handkerchiefs as flags, approach from the Avenue Victoria. At the Hôtel de Ville one officer only is wounded, but on the Place lie a dozen victims, two of whom are women.
At four o'clock the 117th Battalion of the National Guard takes up its position before the municipal palace. They are reinforced by a detachment of gendarmes, mounted and on foot, and by companies of Mobiles, under the command of General Carréard.
General Clément Thomas hastens to address a few words to the 117th; later, he paid with his life for thus appearing on the side of order. Finally, General Vinoy arrives, followed by his staff, to take measures against any renewed acts of aggression. Mitrailleuses and cannon are stationed before the Hôtel de Ville; the drums beat the rappel throughout the town, and a great number of battalions of National Guards assemble in the Rue de Rivoli, at the Louvre, and on the Place de la Concorde; others bivouac before the Palais de l'Industrie, while on the other side of the Champs Elysées regiments of cavalry, infantry, and mobiles, are drawn out. The agitators have disappeared, calm is restored, within the city be it understood, for all this did not interrupt the animated interchange of shells between the French and Prussian batteries, and a great number of Parisians, who had twice helped to disperse the insurgents of October and January, thought involuntarily of the Commune of the 10th of August, 1793, which headed the revolution, and said to themselves that there were perhaps some amongst the present insurgents who, like the former, would rise up to deliver them from the Prussians. For these agitators have some appearance of truth on their side: You are weak and timorous,
they cry to those in power; you seem awaiting a defeat rather than expecting a victory. Give place to the energetic, obscure though they may be; for the men of the great Commune, of our first glorious revolution, they also were for the greater part unknown. We have confidence in the army of Paris, and we will break the iron circle of invasion.
Though the Communists have since then shown bravery, and sometimes heroism, in their struggle against the Versailles troops, we are very doubtful, now that we have seen their chiefs in action, whether the efforts they talked of would have been crowned with success. Their object was power, and, having nothing to risk and all to gain, they would have forthwith disposed of public property in order to procure themselves enjoyment and honours. The few right-minded men who at first committed themselves, proved this by the fact of their giving in their resignation a few days after the Commune had established itself.
Tranquillity had returned. In the morning of the 25th, guards patrolled the Place de la Bastille, the Place du Château d'Eau, the Boulevard Magenta, and the outer boulevards. Paris started as if she had been aroused from some fearful dream, and the waking thought of the enemy at her gates stirred up all her energies once more.
The Communists had been defeated for the second time; but they were soon to take a terrible revenge.
The vow made by the Governor of Paris had been repeated by the majority of the Parisians, and all parties seemed to have rallied round him under the same device: vanquish or die. After the forts, the barricades, and as a last resource, the burning of the city. Who knows? Perhaps the fanatics of resistance had already made out the plan of destruction which served later for the Commune. It has been proved that nothing in this work of ruin was impromptu.
The news of the convention of the 28th of January, the preliminary of the capitulation of Paris, was thus very badly received, and M. Gambetta, by exhorting the people, in his celebrated circular of the 31st of January, to resist to the death, sowed the seeds of civil war:—
"CITIZENS,—
"The enemy has just inflicted upon France the most cruel insult that she has yet had to endure in this accursed war, the too-heavy punishment of the errors and weaknesses of a great people.
"Paris, the impregnable, vanquished by famine, is no longer able to hold in respect the German hordes. On the 28th of January, the capital succumbed, her forts surrendered to the enemy. The city still remains intact, wresting, as it were, by her own power and moral grandeur, a last homage from barbarity.
"But in falling, Paris leaves us the glorious legacy of her heroic sacrifices. During five months of privation and suffering, she has given to France the time to collect herself, to call her children together, to find arms, to compose armies, young as yet, but valiant and determined, and to whom is wanting only that solidity which can be obtained but by experience. Thanks to Paris, we hold in our hands, if we are but resolute and patriotic, all that is needed to revenge, and set ourselves free once more.
"But, as though evil fortune had resolved to overwhelm us, something even more terrible and more fraught with anguish than the fall of Paris, was awaiting us.
"Without our knowledge, without either warning, us or consulting us, an armistice, the culpable weakness of which was known to us too late, has been signed, which delivers into the hands of the Prussians the departments occupied by our soldiers, and which obliges us to wait for three weeks, in the midst of the disastrous circumstances in which the country is plunged, before a national assembly can be assembled.
"We sent to Paris for some explanation, and then awaited in silence the promised arrival of a member of the government, to whom we were determined to resign our office. As delegates of government, we desired to obey, and thereby prove to all, friends and dissidents, by setting an example of moderation and respect of duty, that democracy is not only the greatest of all political principles, but also the most scrupulous of governments.
"However, no one has arrived from Paris, and it is necessary to act, come what may; the perfidious machinations of the enemies of France must be frustrated.
"Prussia relies upon the armistice to enervate and dissolve our armies; she hopes that the Assembly, meeting after so long a succession of disasters, and under the impression of the terrible fall of Paris, wilt be timid and weak, and ready to submit to a shameful peace.
"It is for us to upset these calculations, and to turn the very instruments which are prepared to crush the spirit of resistance, into spurs that shall arouse and excite it.
"Let us make this same armistice into a code of instruction for our young troops; let us employ the three coming weeks in pushing on the organization of the defence and of the war more ardently than ever.
"Instead of the meeting of cowardly reactionists that our enemies expect, let us form an assembly that shall be veritably national and republican, desirous of peace, if peace can ensure the honour, the rank, and the integrity of our country, but capable of voting for war rather than aiding in the assassination of France.
"FRENCHMEN,
"Remember that our fathers left us France, whole and indivisible; let us not be traitors to our history; let us not deliver up our traditional domains into the hands of barbarians. Who then will sign the armistice? Not you, legitimists, who fought so valiantly under the flag of the Republic, in the defence of the ancient kingdom of France; nor you, sons of the bourgeois of 1789, whose work was to unite the old provinces in a pact of indissoluble union; nor you, workmen of the towns, whose intelligence and generous patriotism represent France in all her strength and grandeur, the leader of modern nations; nor you, tillers of the soil, who never have spared your blood in the defence of the Revolution, which gave you the ownership of your land and your title of citizen.
"No! Not one Frenchman will be found to sign this infamous act; the enemy's attempt to mutilate France will be frustrated, for, animated with the same love of the mother country and bearing our reverses with fortitude, we shall become strong once more and drive out the foreign legions.
"To the attainment of this noble end, we must devote our hearts, our wills, our lives, and, a still greater sacrifice perhaps, put aside our preferences.
"We must close our ranks about the Republic, show presence of mind and strength of purpose; and without passion or weakness, swear, like free men, to defend France and the Republic against all and everyone.
To arms!
The Government, by obtaining from M. de Bismarck a condition that the National Guards should retain their arms, hoped to win public favour again, as one offers a rattle to a fractious child to keep him quiet; and it published the news on the 3rd of February:
After the most strenuous efforts on our part, we have obtained, for the National Guard, the condition ratified by the convention of the 28th January.
Three days after, on the 6th of February, Gambetta wrote:
His conscience would not permit him to remain a member of a government with which he no longer agreed in principle.
The candidates, elected in Paris on the 8th of February, were Louis Blanc, Victor Hugo, Garibaldi, Gambetta, Rochefort, Delescluze, Pyat, Lockroy, Floquet, Millière, Tolain, Malon. The provinces, on the other hand, chose their deputies from among the party of reaction, the members of which have been so well-known since under the name of rurals.
Loud murmurs arose in the ranks of the National Guard, when the decrees of the 18th and 19th of February, concerning their pay, were published; and later, when an order from headquarters required the marching companies to send in to the state depôt all their campaigning paraphernalia.
On the 18th of February, M. Thiers was named chief of the executive power by a vote of the Assembly.
On Sunday, the 26th of February, the Place de la Bastille, in which manifestations had been held for the last two days in celebration of the revolution of February '48, became as a shrine, to which whole battalions of the National Guard marched to the sound of music, their flags adorned with caps of liberty and cockades. The Column of July was hung with banners and decorated with wreaths of immortelles. Violent harangues, the theme of which was the upholding of the Republic to the death,
were uttered at its foot. One man, of the name of Budaille, pretended that he held proofs of the treachery of the Government for the National Defence, and promised that he would produce them at the proper time and place.
Up to this moment, the demonstrations seemed to have but one result—that of impeding circulation; but they soon gave rise to scenes of tumult and disorder. Towards one o'clock, when perhaps twenty or thirty thousand persons were on the above Place, an individual, accused of being a spy, was dragged by an infuriated mob to the river, and flung, bound hand and foot, into the look by the Ile Saint Louis, amidst the wild cries and imprecations of the madmen whose prey he had become.
The night of the 26th was very agitated; drums beat to arms, and on the morning of the 27th the Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard issued a proclamation, in which he appealed to the good citizens of Paris, and confided the care of the city to the National Guard. This had no effect, however, on the aspect of the Place de la Bastille; the crowd continued to applaud, frantically, the incendiary speeches of the socialist party, who had sworn to raise Paris at any cost.
[Illustration: COLUMN OF JULY, PLACE DE LA BASTILLE.]
On the same day, the 27th of February, the Government informed the people of Paris of the result of the negociations with Prussia, in the following proclamation:
"The Government appeals to your patriotism and your wisdom; you hold in your hands the future of Paris and of France herself. It is for you to save or to ruin both!
"After a heroic resistance, famine forced you to open your gates to the victorious enemy; the armies that should have come to your aid were driven over the Loire. These incontestable facts have compelled the Government for the National Defence to open negotiations of peace.
"For six days your negotiators have disputed the ground foot by foot; they did all that was humanly possible, to obtain less rigorous conditions. They have signed the preliminaries of peace, which are about to be submitted to the National Assembly.
"During the time necessary for the examination and discussion of these preliminaries, hostilities would have recommenced, and blood would, have flowed afresh and uselessly, without a prolongation of the armistice.
"This prolongation could only be obtained on the condition of a partial and very temporary occupation of a portion of Paris: absolutely to be limited to the quarter of the Champs Elysées. Not more than thirty thousand men are to enter the city, and they are to retire as soon as the preliminaries of peace have been ratified, which act can only occupy a few days.
"If this convention were not to be respected the armistice would be at an end: the enemy, already master of the forts, would occupy the whole of Paris by force. Your property, your works of art, your monuments, now guaranteed by the convention, would cease to exist.
"The misfortune would reach the whole of France. The frightful ravages of the war, which have not heretofore passed the Loire, would extend to the Pyrenees.
"It is then absolutely true to say that the salvation of France is at stake. Do not imitate the error of those who would not listen to us when, eight months ago, we abjured them not to undertake a war which must be fatal.
"The French army which defended Paris with so much courage will occupy the left of the Seine, to ensure the loyal execution of the new armistice. It is for the National Guard to lend its aid, by keeping order in the rest of the city.
Let all good citizens who earned honour as its chiefs, and showed themselves so brave before the enemy, reassume their authority, and the cruel situation of the moment will be terminated by peace and the return of public prosperity.
This clause of the occupation of Paris by the Prussians was regarded by some people as a mere satisfaction of national vanity; but the greater number considered it as an apple of discord thrown by M. de Bismarck, who had every reason to desire that civil war should break out, thus making himself an accomplice of the Socialists and the members of the International. Confining ourselves simply to the analysis of facts, and to those considerations which may enlighten public opinion respecting the causes of events, we shall not allow ourselves to be carried over the vast field of hypothesis, but preserve the modest character of narrators. On the night of the 27th of February, the admiral commanding the third section of the fortifications, having noticed the hostile attitude of the National Guard, caused the troops which had been disarmed in accordance with the conditions of the armistice to withdraw into the interior of the city. The men of Belleville profited by the circumstance to pillage the powder magazines which had been entrusted to their charge, and on the following day they went, preceded by drums and trumpets, to the barracks of the Rue de la Pépinière to invite the sailors lodged there to join them in a patriotic manifestation on that night. Believing that the object was to prevent the Prussians entering Paris, a certain number of these brave fellows, who had behaved so admirably during the siege, set out towards the Place de la Bastille but having been met on their way by some of their officers, they soon separated themselves from the rioters. Thirty of them had been invited to an open-air banquet in the Place de la Bastille; but seeing the probability of some disorder they nearly all retired, and on the following morning only eight of them were missing at the roll-call. Not one of the six thousand marines lodged in the barracks of the Ecole Militaire absented himself. On the same day, the 28th, a secret society, which we learned later to know and to fear, issued its first circular under the name of the Central Committee of the National Guard; the part since played by this body has been too important for us to omit to insert this proclamation here: its decisions became official acts which overthrew all constituted authority.
"CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE NATIONAL GUARD.
"Citizens,—
"The general feeling of the population appears to be to offer no opposition to the entry of the Prussians into Paris. The Central Committee, which had emitted contrary advice, declares its intention of adhering to the following resolutions:—
"'All around the quarters occupied by the enemy, barricades shall be raised so as to isolate completely that part of the town. The inhabitants of the circumscribed portion should be required to quit it immediately.
"'The National Guard, in conjunction with the army, shall form an unbroken line along the whole circuit, and take care that the enemy, thus isolated upon ground which is no longer of our city, shall communicate in no manner with any of the other parts of Paris.
'The Central Committee engages the National Guard to lend, its aid for the execution of the necessary measures to bring about this result, and to avoid any aggressive acts which would have the immediate effect of overthrowing the Republic.
'
But here is a little treacherous placard, manuscript and anonymous, which takes a much fairer tone:—
"A convention has permitted the Prussians to occupy the Champs Elysées, from the Seine to the Faubourg St. Honoré, and as far as the Place de la Concorde.
"Be it so! The greater the injury, the more terrible the revenge.
"But, if some panderer dare to pass the circle of our shame, let him be instantly declared traitor, let him become a target for our balls, an object for our petroleum, a mark for our Orsini bombs,[2] an aim for our daggers!
"Let this be told to all.
"By decision of the Horatii,
(Signed) POPULUS.
The effervescence in the minds of the people was so great, that the entry of the Prussians was delayed for forty-eight hours, but on the first of March, at ten in the morning, they had come into the city, and the smoke of their bivouac fires was seen in the Champs Elysées. On the evening of the same day, a telegram from Bordeaux announced that the National Assembly had ratified the preliminaries of peace by a majority of 546 voices against 107. On the following day the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs left for Versailles, and by nine o'clock in the evening, everything was prepared for the evacuation of the troops, which was effected by eleven, on the third of March. During the short period of their stay, the city was in veritable mourning; the public edifices (even the Bourse) were closed, as were the shops, the warehouses, and the greater part of the cafés. At the windows hung black flags, or the tricolour covered with black crape, and veils of the same material concealed the faces of the statues[3] on the Place de la Concorde.
All these demonstrations had, however, a pacific character, and the presence of the enemy in Paris gave rise to no serious incident.
Nevertheless, the agitation of the public mind was not allayed; some attributed this to a plot the Socialists had formed, and which had arrived at maturity. Others believed that the Prussians had left emissaries, creators of disorder, behind them, in revenge for their reception on the Place de la Concorde. In truth, their entry was anything but triumphal; their national airs were received with hisses; their officers were hooted as they promenaded in the Tuileries, and those who attempted to visit the Louvre were compelled to retreat without having satisfied their curiosity. On the evening of the 3rd of March, a note emanating from the Ministry of the Interior, pointed out in the following terms the danger to be feared from the