Derbyshire at War 1939–45

By Glynis Cooper

Few could believe that within twenty years of the war to end all wars being won the world was once again at war. Veterans of the Great War feared going through the same thing again and, even worse, many knew that this time their children would also be involved in the fighting. What had all the sacrifice been about?

Derbyshire, its towns and village, were badly hit by the Great War with many lives lost, families ripped apart and a way of life that had changed forever. Building and economic recovery had been hindered by the Great Depression. The county was not ready to face another war nor for the problems of warfare from the air and some resulting plane crashes on its hillsides. Yet somehow the county and its people, found the strength to unite against the enemy once more and ensure that Germany would never win the war.

The book chronicles life on the Home Front during the Second World, which itself reached into every home and affected every citizen, changing the life and the face of the county. It is also a timely reminder of the difficulties, hardships, restrictions and morale faced by Derbyshire as the war dragged on, and how the local community overcame the odds that were stacked against them.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Pen and Sword
• Release date: Sep 30, 2019
• ISBN: 9781473875890

Glynis Cooper

Glynis Cooper's family has its roots in the industrial millscapes of Manchester. She was born in Stockport, but she grew up near Bury St Edmunds and subsequently spent ten years living and working in Cambridge before returning to Manchester. Her parents were writers who inspired her enthusiasm for the written word. Glynis, who loves islands and the open countryside, trained in the dual disciplines of librarianship and archaeology. She enjoys reading, researching and writing local histories, traveling, and playing chess.

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Introduction

Derbyshire is a long sprawling county of very different topographical nature from north to south. High Peak in the north comprises the Dark (gritstone) Peak and the White (limestone) Peak. The Dark Peak, as its name suggests, can be forbidding and is mainly high, barren, windswept moorlands, which includes the highest point of the Peak District National Park, Kinder Scout, one of the very few mountains in England and known locally as the ‘killer peak.’ Chapel-en-le-Frith proclaims itself the ‘capital’ of the Dark Peak but, in fact, that title really belongs to Glossop in the far north-west of the county. Edale is the starting point of the Pennine Way and the best access point for Kinder Scout. Gritstone changes abruptly to limestone just before the village of Dove Holes, about 5 miles north of Buxton. Buxton, renowned for its spa waters, is the capital of the White Peak, a gentler, greener, more hospitable countryside than that of the Dark Peak, and there are several notable caves and caverns in the area. Castleton has the famous Blue John Cavern, the only known source of Blue John stone in the world. Chesterfield, notable for its crooked church-spire, and once the centre of the Derbyshire coal mining industry, lies to the north east of the county, while Derby itself lies in the flatter southern parts and is a two-hour drive from Glossop. Due to the size of the county there are eight district councils plus the City of Derby, which is a unitary authority, and all of them come under the umbrella of Derbyshire County Council. The largest of the district councils is the Derbyshire Dales, adjoining High Peak, and includes, among others, Matlock/Matlock Bath, Ashbourne, Chatsworth, the ‘plague village’ of Eyam, Bakewell (famous for its tarts of the same name), Hathersage (where Little John of Robin Hood legend is said to be buried), and Hartington, well-known for Stilton and Buxton Blue cheeses. Although Derby is the county town of Derbyshire, Matlock is now the county administrative centre.

Derbyshire has been home to a wealth of different industries and occupations that have included lead mining and sheep farming (especially in the north-west of the county), underground and opencast coal mining, Sir Richard Arkwright’s Industrial Revolution factory complex at Cromford, silk, Royal Derby pottery, Rolls Royce in Derby, limestone quarrying, and the spa waters of Buxton and Matlock Bath for medicinal purposes. The geographical

Dovedale, illustrating the type of countryside in the more rural parts of northern Derbyshire.

location and insular nature of many places within Derbyshire have ensured the survival of old customs such as well dressings, mummers’ plays, ‘garland days’, tup (uncastrated ram) ceremonies, and oak apple celebrations. Derbyshire played its part in the Great War with great effort and enthusiasm, raising war funds, and sending its fair share of young men to the Fronts. The county’s Home Front in the Great War had concentrated on back-up support for the troops, manufacturing munitions, ensuring essential industries and services were kept working, and ‘keeping the home fires burning’. Derbyshire women did whatever jobs were necessary to ensure that the country kept running and, in addition, grew vegetables, cooked food and made preserves, pickles, jellies and cakes, sewing or knitting clothes and comforts for soldiers (for which they set a record) as well as their own families, cared for children and nursed wounded men. When the Second World War broke out just twenty years later, Derbyshire rallied, confident that it could make the same necessary contributions again. However, this was a very different war. There was the added need to host, educate and care for thousands of children evacuated from industrialised areas, cities and abroad, and, like everywhere else in England, Derbyshire was subject to threats of aerial invasion, aerial bombardment, fatalities, injuries, damage and destruction, as well as the use of chemical warfare, on a hitherto unknown scale. The fanatical determination of the German leader was that England was to be crushed and conquered and it was warfare in unchartered territory which, for the first time, would reach out and touch every single person in the land.

CHAPTER ONE

1939

The Second World War was not entirely unexpected. There had been growing friction in Europe and Hitler played off one power against another as he annexed territories he believed belonged to Germany or should come under German rule. Neville Chamberlain was prime minister and, although he had recognised the danger signs of Hitler’s forcing a union with the Austrian government (‘Anschluss’ as it was known) and his obvious intention to annexe the Sudeten lands (which were then part of Czechoslovakia), he was essentially a man of appeasement and sought talks with Benito Mussolini based on the idea that lessening the tension between Italy and Britain would help to pacify the European situation (Italy had recently invaded and conquered Ethiopia for which the country had been roundly condemned by its European neighbours). The foreign secretary, Anthony Eden, resigned over Chamberlain’s move, and was applauded by Winston Churchill for ‘standing up against long, dismal, drawling tides of drift and surrender’. The celebratory years in England during the immediate aftermath of the Great War had given way to economic hardship, strikes, hunger marches, and the effects of the Wall Street crash in 1929 which led to the Great Depression of the 1930s. The growth and comparative prosperity of the German nation, the Nuremburg rallies, the gradual stealth by which Germany was helping herself to surrounding territories, made eventual war appear inevitable, despite Chamberlain’s policies of appeasement and his government passing a number of Acts in 1937 and 1938 designed to induce a ‘feel good factor’. These had included: the Factories Act improving working conditions in factories and cutting working hours for women and children; the Coal Act for nationalising coal deposits; the Holidays with Pay Act which gave workers the right to one week’s paid leave per year; and the Housing Act encouraging slum clearances and maintaining rent control. However, it was not a question for most people of ‘if ’, but ‘when’, war would be declared. In late September 1938 it had briefly seemed as if war would be avoided. Chamberlain had gone to Munich to negotiate with Hitler, believing him when he expressed a desire for eternal peace with Britain and he promised not to invade or annex the whole of Czechoslovakia. By the end of September Chamberlain had returned with an Anglo-Munich agreement of which he famously declared ‘a British Prime Minister has returned from Germany bringing peace with honour. I believe it is peace for our time.’

The annexation of the Sudetenland took place in October 1938, which was followed by the Kristallnacht attacks on German Jews in November 1938 and the invasion of Czech provinces in March 1939. Warning bells were by now ringing in Britain and on 3 June the Military Training Act came into force requiring all men aged 20–21 to be liable for call-up to serve as ‘militia men’ for a minimum period of four years. It was the first peacetime draft for the country. In the Great War hostilities had commenced after the Germans had invaded Belgium. This time the touch-paper was the German invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939. Two days later, when Britain and France finally declared war on Germany, the overall mood of the British people was of resignation rather than surprise. Neville Chamberlain spoke to the nation in a radio broadcast from the Cabinet Room at 10 Downing Street. He explained that the British ambassador in Berlin had handed the German government a note stating that, unless the Germans gave notice by 11 am on 3 September that they were prepared to withdraw their troops from Poland, Britain and Germany would be at war. Then came the news that everyone had dreaded. ‘I have to tell you now,’ said Chamberlain in low sombre tones, ‘that no such undertaking has been received, and that consequently this country is at war with Germany.’ It was certainly not the outcome that the government had wanted but it was the one they had feared and expected. That same day the National Service (Armed Forces) Act was passed meaning that all men aged between 18 and 41 were liable for conscription; followed by the passing of the National Registration act on 7 September which introduced compulsory identity cards.

Oswald Mosley, who had founded the British Union of Fascists during the 1930s, was interned and his infamous Blackshirts (security men as he euphemistically termed them) were disbanded. However, one member of the group, William Joyce, had quietly slipped away to work in Germany. Before leaving England, he had lived unobtrusively in the small north east Derbyshire mining village of Renishaw which lies very close to the Chesterfield Canal, not far from Sheffield. It was this that gave Derbyshire an unwelcome link with one of the stranger episodes of the war when fascism stretched its ugly fingers right into the heart of Britain. Renishaw initially seemed an odd choice by William Joyce for his home, but perhaps not so strange given that Renishaw Hall lay close by. The Hall, the setting for Lady Chatterley’s Lover (D.H. Lawrence, 1928), was the home of the rather eccentric Sitwell family. Sir George Sitwell, and his children, Dame Edith, Sir Osbert and Sir Sacheverell Sitwell were friends of Mosley and sympathetic to the fascist cause.

William Joyce was a gifted orator ‘thin, pale, intense, he had not been speaking many minutes before we were electrified by this man…so terrifying in its dynamic force… so vituperative… so vitriolic’ (Cecil Robert, 1932). Although born in America, Joyce was brought up in Ireland. His father was an Irish Catholic who had become a United States citizen; his mother was from Lancashire. Joyce gained a first-class degree from Birkbeck College in London, and he felt his intelligence and his rather unusual persona singled him out for a career in the Foreign Office. When this didn’t happen, Joyce became increasingly alienated. During his early twenties, perhaps while still at Birkbeck, he had become interested in fascism and he joined Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) in 1932. He became the BUF Director of Propaganda but lost his job when Mosley downsized staff after the 1937 election. Joyce had had a dream of Mosley becoming prime minister and of himself becoming Viceroy of India, working under Mosley. Consequently, when the Government of India Bill, designed to allow India more freedom and limited self-government, was passed in 1935, Joyce lost it. He bitterly denounced those who supported the Bill as ‘feeble…one loathsome fetid purulent tumid mass of hypocrisy hiding behind Jewish dictators….’ Mosley began distancing himself from Joyce as Joyce’s hatred of the Jews became more and more paranoid, and, when he wrote his autobiography after the war, William Joyce scarcely merited a mention. Joyce became more and more outspoken, his views more extreme, denouncing the Jews for everything from his failing to complete his MA to all that was wrong in the world. ‘I don’t regard Jews as a class,’ he thundered, ‘I regard them as a privileged misfortune.’ Blaming Jewish finance for the Second World War he refused to ‘fight for Jewry against the Fuhrer….’ and fled to Germany with his wife, Margaret, in August 1939, where, in 1940, he officially became a German citizen. He worked for German radio, where his power of oratory and dislike of Britain stood him in good stead. Joyce would later become known as Lord Haw Haw who broadcast regularly against the Allies in general and Britain in particular, applauding their losses, denigrating their achievements, and sneering at their misery, using the call sign ‘Germany calling! Germany calling!’ Despite his intelligence and education, Joyce still appeared to make the common mistake of confusing socialism with National Socialism. He wanted ‘to build something new, something really national, something truly socialist,’ but