Union, Travail, Justice
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About this ebook
In 1958, Gabon chooses union with France over independence. In 2015, with the powerful Alain-Bernard Bongo on trial in Paris, two murders in the oil fields reverberate from the Libreville underworld to the heights of French corporate towers, and threaten to unravel a web of corruption that joins politicians, oil companies and organized crime. Can a foreign journalist find the secret that Elf Aquitaine wants to keep buried, and will it shake Gabon's politics as they haven't been shaken in sixty years?
Part alternate history, part conspiracy thriller, Jonathan Edelstein's tale of a different post-colonial history for Gabon will grip readers with its twists and turns, all the while raising questions about our own present.
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Union, Travail, Justice - Jonathan Edelstein
Union, Travail, Justice
Jonathan Edelstein
I. THE TRIAL
In a courtroom in Paris, they’re talking about a murder in Gabon – the murder that is my reason for coming.
There are as many Gabonais in the hexagon these days as there are in Gabon, and it seems that most of them are in the cour d’assises where Alain-Bernard Bongo is being tried for corruption. The defendant sits impassively in a dark brown suit and checked tie, treating the proceedings as beneath his notice. The gallery is packed with his countrymen, who are silent yet anything but impassive.
Bongo is Gabon’s most recent Big Man, the son and successor of Albert-Bernard Bongo, who in turn was the protégé of Léon M'ba, the powerful chef de département and mayor of Libreville. It is in the nature of Big Men to rise high and fall hard. M’Ba and the elder Bongo both held ministerial rank in the French governments of their time, only to end their careers with prison and disgrace. Alain-Bernard, too, was Minister of Mines and Energy under Sarkozy, and may yet be a prisoner under Hollande.
The courtroom is nowhere near large enough to accommodate all the Gabonais who want to watch, and the crowd spills out into the hallway under the eye of watchful policemen. There, courtroom decorum is forgotten, and the air is filled with a hundred conversations, all on the same subject. They fall silent when they see me, but when I tell them I’m a reporter, their voices return redoubled.
They do this to every black minister,
says a lady in her forties who will identify herself only as Marie. They can’t stand when a black man rises, so they put him in prison.
If we don’t want Gabonais on trial for corruption,
an older man answers, we should stop electing people who are corrupt.
That might be a tall order under normal circumstances. Gabon is far from Paris, and the Gabonais are rarely concerned with what their politicians get up to in the capital: they might even approve of corruption if it favors them. But this time might be different. Alain-Bernard isn’t on trial for ordinary financial peculation, or at least not just for that. He is also accused of complicity in the 2010 murder of two labor activists in the Moukouti oil field, a crime rumored to have been carried out at the instigation of Elf Aquitaine. The two Myene trade unionists’ deaths have become a cause celebre in southern Gabon, all the more so since the Sarkozy administration has been accused of covering up the crime.
He’s the scapegoat for Sarko’s sins,
Marie maintains.
He’s one of the sinners,
answers her interlocutor, pretending to be a nun.
I return to the courtroom, and notice for the first time that Alain-Bernard is the only African outside the gallery. One of the jurors looks like she might be Algerian, but the others – the judges, the eight remaining jurors, the prosecutor, the defense counsel – all of them are from the hexagon. Europeans on one side of the bar, Africans stolid and silent on the other: it could easily be a tableau from colonial times.
But on second look, Bongo isn’t the only black person in the well. There is a witness too, a woman in a plain gray dress that contrasts with the spectators’ finery, so slight and soft-spoken that it takes a second look to notice she is