Tea Party on Safari: The Hunt for American Rino
By Greg Fettig
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About this ebook
In June 2010, Greg Fettig began a battle that would ultimately change the course of his life. Already involved in the Tea Party movement in Indiana, he started a campaign to target an icon of Washington elitism, six-term US Senator Richard Lugar, and ultimately oust him from power. He had no idea that the eighteen-month journey ahead would be fraught with twists and turns, bribes, threats, attacks, deception, and betrayal.
An inside look into the dark underbelly of politics, Tea Party on Safari takes you behind the scenes of one battle in an all-out war for the heart and soul of the Republican Party. Fettig, along with fellow Tea Party patriot Monica Boyer, united under the banner of constitutional conservatism and set out to reclaim the Republican Party by purging it of RINOsand they started with Senator Lugar.
Voting Lugar out of office remained their goal, and they pursued it with steady resolve. With Fettig and Boyer at the helm, the unified Tea Party waged the largest grass roots political campaign ever conducted in the young movements history, seeking to send shockwaves of fear to the Washington, DC, establishment of both national political parties.
Greg Fettig
Greg Fettig is a lifelong Hoosier and small business owner. He is president of America ReFocused and cofounder of Hoosiers for a Conservative Senate. Fettig lives in Indiana.
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Tea Party on Safari - Greg Fettig
CHAPTER 1
The Proverbial Last Straw
He’s going to be a target of the Tea Party in 2012.
That simple proclamation to a Washington Post reporter on June 22, 2010, propelled me on a journey that I could not have fathomed at the time—a journey fraught with twists and turns as well as triumph and failure and punctuated with bribes, threats, doubt, mistrust, and betrayal. A journey on a road not well traveled, void of sign posts and direction and with no speed limit, enticingly inviting.
Six-term US Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana had announced the day before that he intended to vote for the confirmation of Elena Kagan to the US Supreme Court, which prompted reporter Amanda Erickson to seek comment from me to gauge reaction from Tea Party activists in Indiana. Her inquiry for comment came to me through a tongue-in-cheek e-mail address that I had set up more as comic relief than as a serious political credential. Dismayed by the destruction of our economy by our newly elected president, I set up an e-mail account that expressed my dissatisfaction with the Obama administration. I was surprised that the Washington Post even knew of me at this early stage of the Tea Party movement, let alone was able to track me down through a seldom-used satirical e-mail account.
Senator Lugar’s vow, to the dismay of the Tea Party, came on the heels of an equally opposed vote less than a year earlier for liberal Justice Sonia Sotamayor. Sotamayor is a believer in social justice, liberal justification for righting perceived wrongs in society. This vote to confirm the leftist judge was just one of many votes in Lugar’s career, but none was more detrimental to the nation. It was the final straw for the conservative Tea Party and set into motion a backlash the senator and the establishment had never before experienced.
SKU-000542786_TEXT.pdfOn August 5, 2010, Senator Lugar followed through with his pledge and voted for the confirmation of Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court of the United States. Later that day, Fox News quoted Kosciusko County Silent No More’s Monica Boyer of Warsaw, Indiana, as saying that Lugar’s vote was the last straw. Her group had flooded Lugar’s local offices with hundreds of phone calls voicing opposition to his planned vote. Now they pledged to turn their anger into action. That evening they called an emergency meeting to discuss ideas on how to defeat Lugar at the conclusion of his sixth term in 2012. Several angry Hoosiers attended a meeting that served as a therapeutic airing of complaints and frustrations but did not produce a realistic means of defeating a stubborn and condescending senator. Nevertheless, something was happening in Indiana that had not been witnessed before, and the rumblings were beginning to be felt. A seismic shift was occurring, and it would rock the establishment with fear.
My involvement in the Tea Party at this point included cofounding and serving as president of Hoosier Patriots. Later I would cofound America ReFocused. My strategy in the movement was to take my fight to the belly of the beast, the place where nearly all of America’s problems were created, which led me to Washington, DC, nearly a dozen times. Some of my accomplishments included asking for and receiving three seats on the Indiana Republican Party’s Platform Committee, speaking at their convention, and later speaking at the FreedomWorks-sponsored September 12, 2010, march on Washington.
My reasoning for going to the nation’s capital was to cultivate relationships with like-minded conservative groups and individuals with the goal of using their help in our efforts at home. There was not a how-to manual for the Tea Party, but I have always subscribed to the belief that the quickest way to any given point is a straight line. Time was too short to play by the establishment’s rules, and besides, I had an incredible disdain for the establishment. Once a staunch Republican, I took offense at both political parties for being culpable in the economic crisis facing the nation. I was now making up my own rules as I went along, and it felt good; no party would own me. The stifling regulations and policies that the Obama administration was imposing on the nation found a population retreating and cowering in the fear of uncertainty. The Tea Party embodied the freedom-loving spirit and can-do attitude that once made America great, and it was from the Tea Party that America would be saved. This was where I would be calling home from now on.
The newfound friends and allies that I cultivated during my many trips to Washington included sympathetic politicians, media contacts, and national conservative organizations. Among these were FreedomWorks, Club for Growth, Americans for Tax Reform, Americans for Prosperity, Fox News, the Wall Street Journal, CNN, the BBC, Reuters, the New York Times, and dozens of Tea Party group leaders from around the nation and even overseas in Australia, Italy, and Israel.
On November 3, 2010, I answered my ringing phone to the question, What do you think about taking out Senator Lugar?
My response was, "You do mean vote him out, right?" I had heard of Monica Boyer and her efforts in northeastern Indiana, but until this day, our paths had not crossed. That was soon to change.
Indiana’s nearly eighty Tea Party groups are as diverse as the landscape of the state itself. In the 2010 US senatorial election to fill the vacant seat of retiring Senator Evan Bayh, the dozens of groups rallied around four of the five republican candidates in the primary. The one candidate that they all could agree on not backing was the GOP establishment pick. Financed through the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Dan Coats was considered to be a Washington insider whose day in the sun had passed and who was not the solution to today’s problems. Coats had served as Indiana’s senator before, from 1989 to 1999, but now he was unwelcome and resented for entering our race after being away from the state for over ten years.
The various Tea Party groups from around the Hoosier state had all fallen in love with different candidates and refused to rally around one candidate to face the establishment’s pick. Each candidate had his or her own following of supporters (political groupies, as I like to call them) that fell in love with them and would not consider any other, none more so than State Senator Marlin Stutzman from northeastern Indiana, a hotbed of Tea Party activism. This was the first election cycle in which the Tea Party took an active role in political campaigning. In retrospect, we supported two of the three politicians in the race and barely noticed the two political novices, whom we as the Tea Party should have embraced for being from the common citizenry. One of these two fared so poorly that he will not likely ever run as a candidate again. The experience left him bitter and disheartened to the point that he has left the Tea Party completely. Not surprisingly, Dan Coats won the May primary with just 39 percent of the vote and went on to win the Senate seat in the November election. Although Coats has performed fairly well to date, the Tea Party was beaten not only by the National Republican Senatorial Committee and their chosen candidate but by itself. The Tea Party group’s performance was ridiculed and mocked, and some proclaimed the Tea Party dead in Indiana. The Daily Beast issued on May 5, one day after the primary, a stinging criticism of our miserable failure. They stated that the Tea Party in Indiana was irrelevant, a band of amateur political activists determined to go it alone in the stubborn belief that the strength of the Tea Party was derived from each of the several dozens of groups working independently of one another, falsely assuming that we would all somehow arrive at a common destination as if by magic. Six months later, the Indiana Tea Party groups were given a rare opportunity to test whether they had learned their lesson. The credibility of the movement and its very existence were at stake and with it the fate of the nation.
Let’s do it,
I said to Boyer, and with that, one of the most organized grassroots efforts anywhere in the nation took form and set its sights on the Republican establishment’s most senior icon. A thirty-plus year RINO, or Republican in Name Only, was about to become the next victim of the restless Tea Party. It would prove to be a wild ride.
CHAPTER 2
Anybody Up for a Safari?
Boyer and her board at Kosciusko County Silent No More agreed to meet with me in Fishers, Indiana, for our first formal meeting as Hoosiers for a Conservative Senate. Monica would be accompanied by three of her board members as well as an Elkhart County Tea Party activist whom she had recruited for the cause. I would be joining them in our meeting along with a Bartholomew County Tea Party activist whom I had met in, of all places, Washington, DC.
Our first meeting took place at the Frederick-Talbott Inn, a bed-and-breakfast establishment that had offered their conference center to us as a contribution to the movement. I had first met the owner of the inn and her husband at a Tea Party rally I had spoken