Equals and More Equals: Semitism Is an Organized Private Power

By Janos Drabik

It is important to understand the wielding of power in such a period when those people are continuously attacked who, setting their eyes on the possibilities of the future, try to find new ways not only for their people, state, but also for Europe, for the whole mankind. Both by countries and globally, the power is exerted jointly by two powers: the organized public power and the organized private power. These two powers not only compete with each other, but also cooperate, because they are dependent on each other. 
The organized private power gives priority to the individual and to the private power against the interests of the community, and emphasizes the individual rights of the persons against the collective rights of the community. Instead of the public welfare, it favours the individual prosperity, the achievement of the self-interest and even the selfishness, making by this possible the appearance of the extreme property relations and the differences of power based on them. 
The organized private power operates as a multinational giant corporation embracing the whole world. The main decisions are made by the owners, the altogether 300 super-rich banker dynasties, as it is shown in detail in David Rothkopf’s work titled Superclass. The execution of the owners’ decision is controlled by the members of the board of directors. It includes, among others, the presidents or prime ministers of the bigger states, the heads of the big international organizations, as well as the leaders of the UNO, the World Trade Organization, the NATO, the European Union, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Basel-based Bank of International Settlements, the European Central Bank and of other similar organizations. The third level includes the managers who actually execute the owners’ decisions.
This hierarchical structure has nothing to do with the democracy. The organized private power even denies itself, because if it admitted its own existence, it could be called to account for its decisions and, in a given situation, it could even be removed. This money rule world elite – 1% of the mankind – exerts a selfish dictatorship over 99% of mankind for enforcing its own self-interest. Hiding behind the curtain of liberal democracy, the members of this elite are the more equals, while the remaining part of mankind ar only equals. It is a fact that most members of the super-rich banker dynasties are of Jewish origin or Talmudist-Kabbalist Jews. This book would like to inform the readers about what causes make the members of the money rule elite, even in our days, to apply the double standard, what world strategy follows the international money cartel, and what his vision is on the future of mankind.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Janos Drabik
• Release date: May 1, 2018

Book preview

attack?

On the author

Dr. János Drábik is the retired leading programme editor of Radio Free Europe.

He was born on 9th June 1938 in Budapest. Initially he planned to become a cello player. He followed musical studies at the Erkel Ferenc Secondary School of Musical Art in Budapest as the pupil of Ede Banda, where he took the final examination in 1956. Nevertheless, due to breaking his hand, he was forced to change career. In 1960 he graduated from the Faculty of Political Science and Law of the Eötvös Loránd University of Sciences (ELTE) of Budapest, then from the Faculty of Humanities of the same university. In 1971 he took the final examination of lawyer – legal consultant, and previously he also graduated from the School of Journalism of the National Federation of Hungarian Journalists (MÚOSZ).

Until November 1979, he worked in various legal, editorial and state administration jobs. Prior to his leave to America, he was the chief of legal department of ERBE. He continued his studies at the New York University and in 1981 he became a registered legal consultant in New York State. In 1983 he went to Munich, Germany, being employed at Radio Free Europe, where he wrote and edited several programmes under the name of Pál Kézdi. Among others, he wrote serials about Stalinism, the Constitution of the USA, neo-conservatism and on the history of Soviet Union. For five years, he edited the World Economy Magazine and the programme titled On the Western Road which analyzed the functioning of democratic institutions. In February 1989, the President of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty conferred to him the Superior Performance Award for his performance delivered in the year 1988, primarily for his 32-part serial about the Constitution of the USA.

Beginning from 1983, he took an active part in the activity of the Széchenyi Circle in Munich, where he delivered several presentations and lectures. Between 1993 and 1998 he was the Secretary of Széchenyi Circle. He was a regular author of the paper Nemzetőr (National Guard) published in Munich and of other Hungarian daily newspapers and weekly magazines. His studies were published in several periodicals. He is the deputy editor-in-chief of the book newspaper titled Leleplező (Unveiler), which has been issued in Budapest since 1999. (the website of the magazine is www.leleplezomagazin.wordpress.com).

He regularly delivers lectures on the interrelation between human-centered society, democracy and monetary system. He is the founding member of the federation Összefogás a Fennmaradásért Szövetség (Union for Survival) formed in 2000, the objectives of which are the preservation of Hungarian land, the creation of the conditions for a Garden-Hungary, the restoration of Hungary’s economic and financial sovereignty, the achievement of the participation democracy, the extension of the powers of the referendum as well as the necessity of treating the money as the public institution of basic importance of the nation.

Mr. Drabik is the author of more than 20 books.

His book titled Why Did the Three Kennedys Have To Die? was published in 2002. It was followed, in the same year, by the first volume of the Usury Civilization and then, in 2003, by the second and third volumes. The three-volume Usury Civilization was already sold in several editions.

In 2004, his book titled Consciousness Modification was issued, which calls the attention to the dangers of brain manipulation. The process of the creation of a world order controlled from a single centre is analyzed in his collected studies titled New World Order? World Dead-End. In 2005, his book titled 1956 – The Third Way of the Hungarians was published, in which he looks for a way out from the dead-ends of the Communism and of the money rule. His book published also in 2005, titled The Dictatorship of the Money points out what advantages the restoration of the public money system might bring over.

In his book titled World Democratorship published in 2006, the author presents in detail how the global gaining ground of the world democratorship system was made possible by the aggressive spreading of the credit money monopoly.

In 2007, in his work titled Orwellia, he analyzed thoroughly the real superpower of our century, the money power, the most powerful ruling group in the world.

In his book titled The Human-Centered World Order, he analyzes in detail how the malign and detrimental globalism can be substituted by the benign and useful globalism serving the interests of the whole mankind, the human-centered world order.

His 2008 book, the Turbulence, is about the destructive turbulence of the anti-life world forces, primarily of the unlimited money power, in which the mankind fights its life-and-death struggle for survival.

The Change of Era issued in 2009 is a recommendation for the whole mankind concerning how a change of era, the new historical era of the harmonic world order can be achieved with solidarity.

In 2010, in his book titled The Dark Modern Age, he summarized his views on the world elite and its legal predecessors, which played a decisive role in the creation of the money rule relationships of the Dark Modern Age, and on how it is possible to get out of Dark Modern Age with the creation of a harmonic world order.

His book issued in 2011 under the title The Chosen Ones (Semitism – Separatism and Double Measure) contains, in the form of a collection, the previously already appeared writings, which are connected by the common problem: the analysis of the relationship between humanity and Jewry.

In 2012, he asked the question that touches everybody: Whose is the Hungarian State? Does it belong to the money cartel and its network or to the national government representing the interests of the Hungarian nation, from the common will of the overwhelming majority of the electors?

In his thought-rising book titled The Great Conspiracy (Whose Should 21st Century Be?), issued in 2013, he emphasizes that the whole of the money rule world order should be transformed radically so that the creators and beneficiaries of this system could not complete the great conspiracy successfully, the pouring into concrete and the making irreversible of the money rule world system controlled from a single centre.

His work titled Equals and More Equals (Semitism is an Organized Private Power), published in 2014, he tries to find an answer to the age old question: what are the interests and goals of the organized Jewry that is cooperating with the world elite.

In 2015 he published his book The Ukrainian Drama (The establishment of the common empire of the bear and of the dragon), written in a day by day synchronization of the events in progress.

His common volume titled Crisis and Reality, written together with László Bogár and István Varga, issued in 2009 by the Éghajlat Kiadó publishing house, analyzes the causes and consequences of the 2007-2008 financial world crisis.

Together with his three co-authors (Peter Sheldon, András Virág and Julius Mohácsi), dr. János Drábik approaches the possibilities of avoiding the world war in the book issued in 2012 under the title World Peace vs. World War.

In their book titled Handbook of Government Overthrows, written together with Péter Tőke, they analyzed the coloured revolutions carried out in many places of the world, among them also in Eastern Europe.

Between 1997 and March 2000 he was a member of the BUOD presidium, the Federation of Hungarian Associations in Germany, in 1996 he was elected into the steering committee of the MVSZ (World Federation of Hungarians), where he represented the Hungarians living in South Germany. In the 1998 parliamentary elections he was the candidate of the KDNP (Christian Democrat People’s Party) in the election district nr. 1 of Budapest. Since 2004, he is taking part in the activity of the presidency of a civil organization, the Hungarian National Committee, which strives at the restoration of the force of the Hungarian historical Constitution. Since 2012, he is the Chairman of the Strategic Committee of the MVSZ and of the St László Academy of Hungarology, operating also within the MVSZ. He holds spring and autumn series of lectures at the MVSZ since 2011.

On 21st February 2015, the General Assembly of the National Trianon Society elected János Drábik the Chairman of the NTS. He regularly appears in the programmes of the Echo TV. The Fix TV broadcasts a new programme with him every Tuesday, in which he exposes his opinion on current historical and sociopolitical issues.

He appeared on nation-wide TV channels such as EchoTV, FixTV, VNTV, Hatoscsatorna, former HírTV, TV2, ATV, Komló Média, McKenzye TV, HungáriaTV, Hun TV and local TV channels such as Mosonmagyaróvári Városi TV, BudapestTV, BaranyaTV, Buda Környéki Televízió. He has been invited as keynote lecturer to several events, such as National Local-Money Conference (Országos Helyi Pénz Konferencia) in 2012, and multiple citizen forums.

As keynote lecturer Mr. Drabik has been invited to multiple local events and citizen forums (besides the Hungarian capital Budapest in Göteborg, Veszprém, Soroksár, Budaörs, Szentes, Korond, Pécs, Csány, Nagytárkány, Kelebia, Kecskemét, Váralja, Máriaremete, Kiskunlacháza, Baja, Marosvásárhely, Hajmáskér, Verőce, Ózd, Verőce, Balatongyörök), to conferences such as the National Local-Money Conference (Országos Helyi Pénz Konferencia; 2012), and to events at high profile universities (ELTE, IBS Budapest).

His official website is www.drabikjanosblog.wordpress.com, where his writings can be found and his lectures can be listened to. His social media profile is: www.facebook.com/drabikjanos, his official video channel is www.youtube.com/drabikjanos

Further English language articles and books written by dr. Janos Drabik can be found on the following webpage:

www.drabikjanosblog.wordpress.com/category/english

Dr. Janos Drabik is married, his wife is a chemist doctor, patent agent.

Preface

It is important to understand the wielding of power in such a period when those people are continuously attacked who, setting their eyes on the possibilities of the future, try to find new ways not only for their people, state, but also for Europe, for the whole mankind. Both by countries and globally, the power is exerted jointly by two powers: the organized public power and the organized private power. These two powers not only compete with each other, but also cooperate, because they are dependent on each other.

Even in the representation and participation democracy, the organized public power serves the public interest and public welfare, as well as represents the public will and the social truth based on the principle of equality. In the case of public power, the emphasis is on the society as a community which represents an organic unity. If this system works well, the individual interest will be subordinated to the public interest. The organized public power tries to assure the equality of chances within the framework of the participation and merit democracy, and, theoretically, even in our days it works on the basis of the separation of power branches described by Montesquieu: namely that the legislative, the executive and the judicial powers not only mutually complete, but also control and keep in balance each other.

The organized private power gives priority to the individual and to the private power against the interests of the community, and emphasizes the individual rights of the persons against the collective rights of the community. Instead of the public welfare, it favours the individual prosperity, the achievement of the self-interest and even the selfishness, making by this possible the appearance of the extreme property relations and the differences of power based on them.

We have set forward all these to make it unambiguous what the liberal democracy means today. Historically, liberalism meant such a new system of ideas and norms which regarded the perpetual change inevitable. This system of ideas appeared as a reaction to the conservatism and propagated the conscious acceptance and undertaking of modernism. Its representatives strived at influencing all the institutions of the society and state with their views, relieving them of the reminiscences of irrationalism. The followers of the classical liberalism considered progress indispensable, but also knew that, so that history should follow its own natural course, reforms are continuously needed either. In essence, the socialists wanted the same as the liberals, but they wanted to speed up the accomplishment of the programme of the liberalism with the revolutions.

The essence of modernism was that the change should be the normal state. Nevertheless, the conservatives said that, if exaggerated, it can be dangerous and we must defend ourselves against it. The liberals were who emphasized that everything must be done for the sake of the maximal development of the human freedom. In turn, the socialists said that this process should be accelerated even with a revolution, and the mere freedom is not enough, also the social justice is necessary. All the mentioned three ideologies wanted to help the people to reach elevation, welfare and happiness, if possible, as reasonably as possible. The problem was that they were not able to tell who the people was. According to the liberals, the people is the totality of individuals endowed with self-determination rights. Anyway, it was difficult for them to determine who can be regarded an autonomous individual, a person who is in free command of himself. (For instance, the children, the old, the insane, the unemployed, the foreigners and the criminals were considered to be persons with restricted disposing capacity, and even women did not possess equal rights with men for a long time.)

If we admit that all socially responsible individuals can exert their sovereign rights, the problem still arises: where is the boundary, so that the exertion of an individual’s sovereign rights should not infirm the exertion of another individual’s rights? The relation to the public power and the state led to the fact that, after 1848, the liberals and the conservatives became reconciled, because they realized that they were standing on the basis of the same private property, while the socialists insist on the public property. The conservatives and socialists also got closer to each other, since they both emphasize the collective interests against the individualism. And so the social-liberalism or liberal-socialism was born.

The majority of liberal parties fell off, but the operating big parties in essence achieved a liberal programme. We could witness that liberalism gained ground in the whole of the 20th century. The year 1989, which apparently brought the total victory of liberalism, was in fact the beginning of the global decay of liberalism, since its disintegration was already under way, and then the post-liberal era gradually took shape. In 1989, the traditional liberalism overwon itself, and degenerated into an extremist neo-liberalism. The economy based on equality of chances and competition, i.e. the productive economy satisfying the needs and the social market economy was substituted by the crematistics, as well as the money economy and the money rule system giving priority to the turnover, the consumption and the speculation with money. In this new system the goal is to make more and more money from money. The organized private power controlling as an owner the welfare state based on social justice and the money system turned the state into a servicing institution. This slimmed servicing state became the servant of the global organized private power – the money rule world elite and its empire. The money rule world elite speeded up the integration of the sovereign national states into supra-state structures, and started the creation of the New World Order and global government controlled from a single centre.

The validity of liberalism, as the ideology of the money rule world economy and of the organized private power, became doubtful already in 1968, following the student revolts sweeping over the western world. This system of ideas, which up to then stood in the centre of the social and technical modernization, gradually lost its credit. And, since 1989, it was definitely proved that the economic and social liberalism is not an efficient political ideology any more. Its place was taken by the world system of globalism, the new version of the total rule. This is the neo-liberal dictatorship of the money and corporation oligarchy, using the emptied forms of the alibi-democracy and hiding in the faceless money relations. The revolting youth of 1968 denied that world system, which divided the society into an interest-collecting minority not producing value and a majority in a depending situation. The majority works for the money-wealthy minority in the form of interest payment, for starvation wages or for nothing. So 1968 shook liberalism as the dominant ideology in its bases.

The classical liberalism, the liberality of 19th century, historically meant the struggle against the absolute sovereign and the authoritarian systems, for the sake of gaining individual human rights and political freedoms. In our days, these classical liberal values are already prevailing in all types of democracy, should they be conservative, national, Christian or socialist and social-democratic.

Today we already live in a post-liberalist era, since those national states which consider themselves liberal democracies are in fact under the rule of the organized private power. Even in the developed countries of the trans-Atlantic area, the money rule world elite, making up 1% of the population, detains such an enormous financial and wealth superiority, that the public power, which is supposed to represent the necessities, interests and values of 99% of the society, is not able to fulfil this duty any more. Even a democratically legitimized government can only accomplish its obligations if it is able to balance the enormous financial and economic superiority of the organized private power with due material basis, financial resources and public property.

Nevertheless, even in the developed industrial countries, the national state, as the representative of public power, does not have enough force to resist the overweight of the organized private power. Therefore, today the liberalism does not mean the classical human rights and political freedoms any more, but assures for the 1% detaining money wealth the liberty of unlimited abuse of the freedom of the 99%. Those who are worried now for the liberal democracy, in fact speak in defence of the unlimited freedom of the money rule elite. Liberty, due to everybody, has never been identical with the freedom of abuse, with the decadent liberalism of the super-rich.

The extreme property relations of the post-liberal period make it possible for the global elite to convert its financial and economic superiority obtained in certain countries into political decisions with the most various techniques of corruption, since the representatives of the public power are not able to resist the financial and economic superiority of the organized private power. Therefore, who calls to account, e.g. the head of the Hungarian government for the denial of the liberal ideal of the state, should first determine whose freedom he means when referring to liberalism: the freedom of those who perform value-creating work or to the unlimited freedom of the money rule elite.

The current alibi-democracy means today the undisturbed exertion of the organized private power, namely so that neither the legitimate governments leaning on people’s sovereignty could limit the private power, with reference to the public interest and public welfare. The organized private power forced the European Union onto the European national states and transformed it into a supra-state imperial structure in which the exertion of power was given decisively to the bureaucrats selected and put in position by the money rule world elite, so that it could possibly enforce even its most selfish particular interests without any limitations.

That part of the European press, which, pushing a button, opened assault fire on a charismatic European politician, because he had prodigal ideas about how could Europe get out of the current crisis caused by the decadent liberalism, in fact proved that this pseudo-liberal press has nothing to do with the freedom of speech any more. These controlled opinion-formers blame the Hungarian prime minister for becoming from a classical liberal a national-conservative populist, and, under his leadership, Hungary changed into a non-democracy. These servants of the organized private power found it deleterious that the policy of the Hungarian prime minister is based on the nation, the church, the cultural heritage, the father-mother-child family model and the more severe actions against criminals. To this they added that during the government of Viktor Orbán the homeless were criminalized and a shifting toward right occurred in the respect of immigration and globalization. In Hungary former governor Miklós Horthy was rehabilitated recently and such authors from the 1940-ies as József Nyirő became part of the school curriculum. The governing Fidesz-KDNP coalition founded several such history institutions like e.g. the Veritas, at the head of which they appointed revisionist historians.

These hypocrite defenders of the organized private power ask the question: how long can a EU member state go in such an antidemocratic direction? They blame Viktor Orbán for daring to say in Transylvania in the end of July 2014 that he was doubtful about the liberal democracy and, instead, he considered China, Russia and Turkey such states which can show an example for the European states struggling with the crisis.

Even such a mouth-piece of the money rule world elite as the Wall Street Journal, stated in its July 31st 2014 issue that a slow transition is just taking place in Hungary toward the soft authoritarian state establishment. Viktor Orbán’s statement on illiberalism reminds us that free markets and free societies require a powerful defence. The authoritarians are always on the watch for using the weak points of the democracy. Finally, the newspaper of the international money world calls Europe to prove what freedom is capable of, by restarting its economy in crisis. And asked the American president to raise his word in the defence of the system of ideals of liberalism.

The Washington Post also dealt with Viktor Orbán’s speech, asserting that the Hungarian prime minister sets up Putin’s Russia as a model. Following the Russian president’s footsteps, he wants to introduce such a system the main elements of which are the nationalism, the religion, the conservative social view, the state capitalism and the hegemony of the government over the mass media.

We remind you all these in order to illustrate how the organized private power controls the world, hiding behind the curtain of liberal democracy. We could see that the competent of the global media owned by the money rule world elite did nothing else but listed the commonplace grievances of the organized private power and urged them to be redressed.

The organized private power operates as a multinational giant corporation embracing the whole world. The main decisions are made by the owners, the altogether 300 super-rich banker dynasties, as it is shown in detail in David Rothkopf’s work titled Superclass. The execution of the owners’ decision is controlled by the members of the board of directors. It includes, among others, the presidents or prime ministers of the bigger states, the heads of the big international organizations, as well as the leaders of the UNO, the World Trade Organization, the NATO, the European Union, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Basel-based Bank of International Settlements, the European Central Bank and of other similar organizations. The third level includes the managers who actually execute the owners’ decisions.

This hierarchical structure has nothing to do with the democracy. The organized private power even denies itself, because if it admitted its own existence, it could be called to account for its decisions and, in a given situation, it could even be removed. This money rule world elite – 1% of the mankind – exerts a selfish dictatorship over 99% of mankind for enforcing its own self-interest. Hiding behind the curtain of liberal democracy, the members of this elite are the more equals, while the remaining part of mankind ar only equals. It is a fact that most members of the super-rich banker dynasties are of Jewish origin or Talmudist-Kabbalist Jews. This book would like to inform the readers about what causes make the members of the money rule elite, even in our days, to apply the double standard, what world strategy follows the international money cartel, and what his vision is on the future of mankind.

Chosenness – the essence of Semitism

The religious chosenness

The chosenness can happen according to religious-ideological or genetic-ethnical principles and, finally, on the basis of the belonging to a closed community of interest. The mystic concept of the Chosen People occupies a central place in the Jewish tradition and liturgy. Therefore, the religion-based chosenness can be regarded as a determining concept of Judaism or Semitism. It has also remained, however, up to the present day, the central unspoken and explosive psychological, historical, and theological problem at the heart of Jewish-Gentile relations. The struggle over the status of the chosen was one of the driving forces in the history of Jewish relations with the world and continues to be so even today. The chosenness is one of the determining elements of the contemporary anti-Semitism, the theological support of millions for the state of Israel, and the current Middle East conflict over the Land of Israel and the chosen city of Jerusalem.

Large parts of the teachings of both Christianity and Islam are governed by the supersessionist theory, the claim that they have replaced the Jews as the Chosen People with spiritually chosen communities, namely the Christians and Muslims. The Catholic and many Protestant churches have also modified their doctrines on the displacement of the Jews with reinterpretations of its theological significance. Also the Christian Zionists had to revise their theology on chosenness to facilitate, in this way, their active political support for the state of Israel. Nevertheless, the Islam was unable to reverse or reform its displacement theology according to which this decorous status of the Chosen People is not due to the Jewish people, but to the followers of the Islam. This presents a major theological barrier to conflict resolution in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Chosenness continues to play a major role in current interfaith relations. The idea of the chosenness of the Jews occupies a special central place in the other two monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, states Avi Beker, adding that the followers of these two monotheistic religions have also appropriated the title of God’s Chosen People to themselves.

For the Jews, chosenness does not imply hegemony over other nations, nor does it seek to impose the Torah (the Hebrew Bible) on other peoples. Chosenness implies mostly moral distinctiveness and burden but not preeminence and privileges – emphasizes Beker in his work titled The Contemporary Rivalry over the Chosen People: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Perspectives, dated 16th November 2008 on his website (http://www.jcpa.org).

From a religious and historical standpoint it can be argued that anti-Semitism is an antithetical, negative way to prove the uniqueness of the Jews’ chosenness. In any case it is clear that attempts by Jews to distance themselves from the idea or outright reject it have not changed the perception. As the American sociologist Daniel Bell put it in 1946: The Jews are a chosen people, if not by God, then by the rest of the world. Some critics argue that the Jews invented their theory of chosenness. However, this invention gave birth to two other monotheistic religions, which are practiced by billions. The concept of chosenness is at the heart of the mystery of Jewish existence.

Shahid Alam, Professor of the Northeastern University of Boston, is also on the opinion that no idea has played a more seminal role in the recent history of Jewish and Christian Zionism than the Jewish doctrine of divine election or chosenness (Chosenness and Israeli Exceptionalism, 21st May 2007). Since this doctrine is the cornerstone of Zionism, divine sanction for Jewish uniqueness has been inseparable from Israeli exceptionalism and Israeli history.

At first, political Zionism had little to recommend itself aside from the mythic allure of the Promised Land. Most Jews greeted the project alternatively with consternation or derision. They could instantly sense that the creation of a Jewish state would give an impetus to anti-Semitism in Europe. The project was considered by most of them as a fantastic utopia with little chance of success. The success of the Zionist plan required firstly persuading Jews to abandon their homes in Europe for the hazards of colonizing a backward land. Secondly, wresting Palestine from its Ottoman sovereign. And, thirdly, somehow making the Palestinians disappear. Some very real hurdles blocked each of these steps. In addition, there was another hitch. The political Zionists did not have the religious sanction to work for Jewish restoration to Palestine. Jews had long believed that this would be the work of the Jewish Messiah as part of God’s plan for the culmination of history.

Many had come to invest the return to Zion with symbolic meaning that could be pursued even in exile. Overcoming these theological objections would not be easy. The Zionists, some of whom were already secular persons, not exerting their religion, regarded these objections as minor inconveniences. The vision of reconstituting Jewish power was extremely attractive. It revived Jewish memories of Davidic splendor. It inspired hopes of establishing Jewish power in the Middle East on a scale that their ancestors could not attain in ancient times. Zionism offered a challenge to create a new world, to change a destiny of ‘exile’ into which Jews had been trapped for close to two millennia. Once the moral implications of their plan became clearer, the Zionists would again find the doctrine of Jewish chosenness useful.

In connection with all this, Nahum Goldmann, who was the leader of the Jewish World Congress for many years, wrote the following: One need only imagine what would happen in the world, if all the peoples who lost their states centuries or millennia ago were to reclaim their land.

Shahid Alam added to all this that, in fact, Goldmann asked how were the Zionists going to justify the theft of Palestinian land? One argument claimed that since the Palestinians were not a people presumably, because they were not rulers over Palestine, they had no juridical rights over their lands. Another, more cleverly argued that most of the Arabs living in Palestine at the end of the British mandate were not natives there. They were recent immigrants from neighboring Arab countries, attracted by the growing demand for labor induced by Jewish colonization.

There is also a third argument. It contended that Palestine was empty, that the Palestinians simply did not exist. However, it was the theological doctrine of chosenness that would most convincingly settle the morality of Zionist claims to Palestine. The Zionists would have little difficulty convincing their Jewish and Christian audiences. The only thing that mattered at that time was that this was no theft. It was widely believed by populations raised on Biblical myths that God had promised Palestine to the Jews as their eternal inheritance. Since Jewish ownership rights were divinely ordained, they could not be annulled by the absence of the owners. In other words, Zionism was not a colonial movement to expropriate the natives. Zionism was a messianic movement to restore Palestine to its divinely appointed Jewish owners. In this way, the European Jews who arrived in Palestine could not be accused of stealing their lands, as the Jewish National Fund claims, they were only redeeming lands which had had always been theirs.

The sacred history of the Jews supported Zionist plans on another important matter. The Zionist plans for a Jewish state required a Jewish majority in Palestine, and preferably a territory cleansed of its native inhabitants. At first, the Zionist thinkers gave little thought to the Palestinian presence. They assumed that the Palestinians were Bedouins, temporary sojourners on this territory, without any love for their land or homes. Therefore they could be easily persuaded to move on. When the Palestinian resistance dashed these hopes, the Zionists quickly made plans to evict them from their lands by force of arms.

In 1948 the Zionists nearly implemented their totalitarian vision when they expelled some 800,000 Palestinians, levelled their towns and villages, and made sure that they would never return to their homes in the Jewish state of Israel. This fact may have been troubling to some, but Zionists steeped in Jewish sacred history knew that their Lord had urged even more radical measures when their ancestors were taking possession of Canaan.

The theology of chosenness offered also another advantage. It did not limit Zionist ambitions to Palestine alone. The Lord’s promise was not restricted to Canaan. In a few more generous verses, this theology had expanded the Jewish inheritance to include all the lands between the Nile and Euphrates, that is the Eretz Israel. With present-day borders, this expansive Israeli empire would include Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and perhaps even other territories. If the Zionists could successfully use the Bible to claim Palestine, they could invoke the same divine authority to claim the rest of the Arab Middle East as well. In the middle of the Suez War in 1956, Ben-Gurion told the Knesset that the real reason for the Suez War was the restoration of the kingdom of David and Solomon to its Biblical borders. At this point in his speech, almost every Knesset member spontaneously rose and sang the Israeli national anthem.

The doctrine of election did not merely set the Jews apart from other nations; it also set them above other nations. Over time, this has encouraged racist tendencies. Since the Jews were the chosen instruments of God’s intervention on earth, this was interpreted by some Jewish thinkers to mean that Jews were not subject to the laws of nature and society. In other words, as long as the Jews believed that they were acting as instruments of God’s will, they did not have to follow the laws of gentile nations. As Israelis have moved to the religious right. This shift was propelled by the rationale and experience of Zionism itself. Zionist advocates have shown an increasing willingness to justify their human rights abuses as a Jewish prerogative. As Zionist plans continued to be challenged by their victims, the chosen people slowly but surely took on the hues of a master race. They began to imagine that they have the power to legitimize their actions by merely willing them into existence. (Above we have summarized the ideas of Shahid Alam.)

This topic sphere is seen in a different way by Avi Beker, who was born in 1951 in Tel-Aviv and reached the rank of captain in the Israeli army. After graduating from the University of Tel-Aviv, he gained a PhD degree in political science at the University of New York. Between 2002-2003, he was the secretary-general of the World Jewish Congress, and previously he was heading the office in Israel of the World Jewish Congress. According to him, no theme in the Hebrew Bible is more fundamental than that of the Covenant between God and Israel and the idea that the Jews have responded to that call. The Old Testament is clear in the assertion that the Jews were chosen by God to be His own beloved treasure, His firstborn son. In Moses’ farewell address the Children of Israel are told that they were selected not because of their power or numbers but because God loves them.

Some Jewish rabbis and sages argue that the Jews did not receive their chosen role out of their free will but rather were compelled by God. Nevertheless, this view stands in sharp contrast to the very popular evaluation. Some Jewish thinkers who have rejected the concept resorted to similar ideas that emphasized Jewish uniqueness or separateness. Baruch Spinoza, who had rebelled against the Jewish religious authorities in Amsterdam, rejected the traditional chosen doctrine because it implies Jewish superiority. But he admitted even himself that Jews had maintained their mystical existence because of their separate religious rules.

Reform Judaism and chosenness

Spinoza also predicted that the Jews would once again establish their independent state and then God will again choose them. In the Conservative movement within the Jewish community chosenness is regarded as a spiritual act, in which Israel was chosen by God as a spiritual order to serve as a holy people between the rest of mankind and God. In 1885, the Reform Judaism movement in America adopted the Pittsburgh Platform, declaring that they did not wish to be a nation at all and thus reinterpreting the concept of chosenness as part of a moral mission to help the world. This document, adopted also by the American Hebrew Congregation (UAHC), calls to reject those religious rules which do not have moral, but ritual content. They regarded such the strict observation of the Jewish eating rules. In modern times, these rituals abstract the attention from the important ethical points.

At the Pittsburgh convention, the participants reinforced the belief in God’s existence, and qualified the experiencing the indwelling of God in man. to be a universal endeavour present in all religions. In this vein, the Pittsburgh Platform also calls for a recognition of the inherent worth of Christianity and Islam, although it still holds that Judaism was the highest conception of the God-idea. The writer of the present lines adds to this that he has read in the works of many Jewish authors that the God of the Old Testament is a separate tribal God of the Jews, which contradicts the concept that He is, at the same time, the universal God of all human beings. This contradiction appears also in the fact that the position in this respect of the three monotheistic religions – Judaism, Christianity and Islam – differs from each other. The unique God of Christianity and of the Islam is a universal God, the universal God of all mankind.

Instead of a nation, the already mentioned Pittsburgh Platform defines Jews in the modern world as a religious community within a pluralistic, receiving nation. For this reason, there was an explicit rejection of Zionism, at least in America, since the participants to the meeting felt that the Jews were at home in America. But, as we have already referred to it, the platform seems to acknowledge the concept of Jewish chosenness accepting in the Bible the consecration of the Jewish people to its mission as the priest of the one God.

The adoption of the Pittsburgh Platform only intensified the debate within American Judaism, since the leading radical Reformers alienated the more moderate reformers who, in a liberal way, but believed in a compromise approach to Halakha in the belief that it would better maintain Jewish continuity. (Halakha is the collective body of Jewish religious laws, a comprehensive guide to all aspects of human life, both corporeal and spiritual, as well as the relations between man and man, as well as between man and God. Halakha includes the measure-giving final decisions, as well as the solution of the most specific problems. Halakha deals with the Biblical rules and commandments derived from the Written and Oral Torah, but comprises the Rabbinic laws and legislation, as well as the religious court decisions. The word Halakha is often translated as the path or the way of walking. It primarily deals with the questions of the practice and of legal regulation, and puts the stress on action.)

The debates about Zionism continued within Reform Judaism. The Union for Reform Judaism adopted in 1937 the so-called Columbus Platform, which included a more nuanced endorsement of Zionism, noting:

In all lands where our people live, they assume and seek to share loyally the full duties and responsibilities of citizenship and to create seats of Jewish knowledge and religion. In the rehabilitation of Palestine, the land hallowed by memories and hopes, we behold the promise of renewed life for many of our brethren. We affirm the obligation of all Jewry to aid in its upbuilding as a Jewish homeland by endeavoring to make it not only a haven of refuge for the oppressed but also a center of Jewish culture and spiritual life.

The Union's new 1999 Statement of Principles for Reform Judaism was also called the Pittsburgh Platform. It called for renewed attention to sacred obligations, of which it mentioned the observance of holidays and Shabbat, study of Torah and prayer, and the Hebrew language. The statement endorsed aliyah, that is immigration into Israel for the first time. The statement notes differences within Israel and Reform Judaism, concerning competing concepts of Medinat Yisrael and Eretz Yisrael. The latter stands for Greater Israel, which, according to references in the Bible, covers territories between the Nile and Euphrates. Reform still holds that Halacha is not binding and has since embraced other concepts like patrilineal descent.

Mordecai Kaplan, the founder of the Reconstructionist movement, proposed that Judaism should reject, in his words, the anachronistic and arrogant concept of the Chosen People, which perpetrated race or national superiority. Kaplan’s ideas on chosenness did not receive much support among American Jewry. Namely, Kaplan suggested the retaining of the uniqueness of Judaism by focusing on another aspect of chosenness. This another aspect was Zionism and the support for an independent Jewish state in the ancestral homeland. The Reform movement rejected or vacillated on this particular aspect of chosenness. In spite of this, Kaplan became a spokesperson and ideologist for American mainstream Zionism well before Israel’s establishment. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the 21st century, it seems that the Kaplanian position on the chosen people might not find enough followers.

Yosef Haim Brenner, an influential writer of socialist Zionism and the kibbutz movement, also tried to escape the fate of chosenness so that Israel should be a normal people and nation, like the others. Other leaders of the Zionist Labor movement and founding fathers of the state, such as Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, promoted the chosenness concept on a secular and not on a religious basis. Ben-Gurion, who often used the term chosen, pointed out that the Covenant between God and the Jews is an original concept making the two parties equal. There was a similar universal Covenant between God and Noah and then came the Covenant between God and Abraham, which led to the Covenant with the Children of Israel given on Mount Sinai. In Ben-Gurion’s view, the role of the Jews according to the Bible relates not only to crucial human values of justice, truth, peace, and fraternity but also to Isaiah’s declared mission of being a Light unto the Nations.

There are observers (such as the Irish Conor Cruise O’Brien) who are convinced that even secular Zionists were strongly driven by the acceptance of the mysterious chosen factor. Zionist leaders like Ben-Gurion, Chaim Weizmann, and others, though not religiously observant in the wider sense…could not be anything else but very religious Jews indeed. Their imaginations were saturated in the Bible and they maintained a burning faith in the restoration of the Chosen People to the Promised Land.

Christianity’s relationship with Judaism has long been governed by the already mentioned supersessionist theory. At the end of the first century, St. Paul started to propagate the teachings concerning the replacement of the Jews. He claimed that the followers of Jesus replaced the Jews as the true Israel, the Chosen People. Paul, who is for all practical purposes the founder of Christianity, made the historic decision to turn the new faith away from its Jewish origins along with shifting the guilt for the crucifixion of Jesus from the Romans to the Jews. This theme, i.e. making the Jews responsible for the death of Jesus caused vilifications against Jewish communities several times in Europe. The First Crusade, as a holy war, was started in 1095 by the Christians, the race beloved and chosen by God against the pagans. Later on, the Spanish expulsing the Jews from Spain claimed to be the chosen. In the 20th century, the German National Socialists propagated that the Aryans were the chosen race.

Vatican II, the gathering in 1965 confronted the charge against the Jews as the killers of Christ and removed the collective blood guilt from the Jews of today and in ancient times. The gathering’s pronouncement allowed the recognition by the Catholic Church of the Jews as The Chosen People. This led later to Pope John Paul II’s declaration, during his historic 1986 visit to the Synagogue of Rome, that The Jews are our elder brother. This doctrinal change would later allow the Vatican to cross the theological barrier that required the Jews to remain dispersed, humiliated, and without national sovereignty. Nevertheless, these modifications of the Catholic doctrine have greatly contributed to a more harmonious relationship with the Jews, but the obsession with Jewish chosenness is still very strong. The basic assertion that Christianity has replaced Judaism as the chosen religion is still dominant in Catholic theology. The Dominus Iesus document, written in 2000 by Pope Benedict XVI, stressed a desire for the instant in which Israel will say yes to Christ.

Early in 2008 the Vatican decided to revive the traditional Latin prayer for the conversion of the Jews which was removed in 1969. In another act, in the summer of 2008, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops decided to delete from the United States Catholic Catechism for Adults the sentence saying that the covenant that God made with the Jewish people through Moses remains eternally valid for them. All this again shows how difficult it is for the Catholic Church to accept the historic role of the Jews as the chosen elder brother.

In his above already quoted study, Avi Beker also mentions that Martin Luther, who broke away from Catholicism in the mid-sixteenth century to create the Protestant Church, sent cordial and welcoming messages to the Jews. He expected that they would convert to his purified form of Christianity. After their refusal he launched his vicious campaign of anti-Semitism, arguing that they were no longer the Chosen People and were instead the Devil’s people, adding that the Jews were base, whoring…that is, no people of God, and their boast of lineage, circumcision, and law must be accounted as filth. Luther’s anti-Jewish rhetoric contributed significantly to the development of anti-Semitism in Germany, and in the 1930s and 1940s provided an ideal foundation for the National Socialists’ attacks on Jews.

Avi Beker sees that today various Protestant churches in Europe and America are continuing to maintain ambiguous statements on the Jews’ chosenness. Not all groups stemming from the Protestant Reformation have adopted the anti-Jewish teachings of Martin Luther. For instance, in Britain some groups regarded themselves as the Chosen People and the New Israel but at the same time viewed the Jews’ return to their homeland in Palestine as a critical event in preparing and hastening the prophetic process culminating in the second coming of Jesus.

Christian Zionists were very much involved in inspiring, acting, and lobbying for the restoration of the Jews in their historical Promised Land. A large number of American Protestant churches (some in Europe as well) have substantially adopted the Christian Zionist evangelical theology that represents an enormous change in modern history and in the doctrine of Christian redemption. Evangelicals still believe in their own chosenness and attach great importance to their duty to spread their Christian values through the world, at the same time, however, they no longer subscribe to the age-old Christian doctrine that refuses to recognize the viable existence of the Jewish people and, particularly, its chosen status. These churches, which today represent an important political force, believe that the Jews continue to be favored as God’s people, and some of them even renounce supersessionism, namely that, with the apparition of Christianity, the physical Israel was replaced by the spiritual Israel, and affirm that the Jews have a valid way to find God within their own faith.

The Islam and the chosenness of the Jews

Islam faced a similar theological need to explain away Jewish chosenness, but, unlike Christianity, the Muslim displacement theory does not base itself on being the New Israel. Instead, it recasts the Jewish prophets as Muslims by creating a direct link with Ishmael, the son of Abraham, the first Muslim according to the Qur’an. As the early Christians had done before him, Muhammad started his campaign with a conscious effort to bring the Jews within the fold of Islam. Muhammad accepted the Jewish God and prophets and many Jewish practices. In the Qur’an Muhammad refers to the Jews as the Chosen People and to the Land of Israel as their Promised Land. The Qur’an also acknowledges the Jews’ covenant with God. In particular it exhorts the Children of Israel regarding the Land of Israel, telling them to dwell securely in the Promised Land. Nevertheless, this and similar comments about the Jews and their land are nowhere to be found in the rhetoric of today’s Muslim or Arab leaders.

Similar to Luther, after realizing that the Jews were not going to join his new version of Judaism, Muhammad proceeded to establish a separate religion. From that point on relations with his Jewish neighbours deteriorated quickly, and he declared that Mecca was the holy city, not Jerusalem, In 628 CE Muhammad attacked the Jewish tribes, dispossessing, enslaving and exiling them. The Qur’an presents the Muslim doctrine of supersession, and the commentators explain that Islam remedies the backsliding of the Jews and Christians from their pure religions to which the coping stone was placed by Islam. In this way, the only God, Allah, considers His Chosen People the followers of Islam instead of the Jews. Vilifying or killing Jews is a recurring motif in Muslim holy texts, and it is very much related to the Islamic version of supersessionism. The Qur’an repeatedly accuses the Jews of falsehood, distortion, and of being corrupters of the scriptures. It argues that this is why the Jews did not deserve to be the Chosen People.

A still living oral tradition from Muhammad, for example, contends that the rivalry with the Jews will continue until the end of days. With their displacement theology, which claims that Islam has replaced the chosen Jews, Muslims find it even more confusing and irritating to watch the return of the Jews to their homeland, and even worse, their victories over Arab armies. The Saudi government blames the Jews in its official publications for deceiving the world into thinking that they are the chosen people and that God wants them to once more take possession of Palestine, the promised land.

A 2004 article in the Saudi armed-forces journal refers to the Jewish sense of superiority in the world and quotes Jewish leaders who claim that we are the ones who invented the story of a ‘chosen people’ and we established ourselves as saviors of the world.

There are plenty of publications on Jewish history and many theories about Judaism, Semitism and anti-Semitism. The concept of chosenness helps tie together the mystery of Jewish existence with the perplexity of Semitism and anti-Semitism. Historians have always grappled with the unique story of the continued existence of the Jews as individuals and communities despite their wide dispersion, lack of sovereignty, strong forces of assimilation, and so much violent hatred. Economic, sociological, and political theories are insufficient and even the scapegoat theory cannot explain why the Jews are so often the scapegoats even in places where there are no Jews.

Inquiry and inspection of the religious background is critical. Not because all people are religious but because almost all anti-Semites employ myths and prejudices that have strong religious roots. The mystery of the Jewish existence goes back to the very roots of Christian and Muslim belief and dogma. The chosen doctrine is critical for both Christianity and Islam, and surprisingly it is also central for many nonobservant Jews.

Disraeli and the chosenness of the Jews

Benjamin Disraeli was prime minister of Great Britain during the second half of the nineteenth century, a converted Jew baptized by his father right before his bar mitzvah. In his many books and speeches he dealt with the chosenness. Disraeli expressed strong views about the Jews, the Chosen People, whose existence he regarded as a miracle; alone of the ancient races. Disraeli was a prolific writer of novels, and several of their heroes are Jews who are admired spokespersons on behalf of the Chosen People.

One of these, Sidonia, is a super-rich Jewish banker and, according to critics, an idealized version of Rothschild, embodying the Jewish banker, who became a concept. The real model, Baron Lionel de Rothschild was a close friend of Disraeli. Disraeli supported him in the political struggle to change the law that did not allow Jews to be elected to Parliament. In his novels, Disraeli did not hesitate to include among his heroes individuals such as Rothschild whom, on the other hand, anti-Semites hated in fact. In his novel titled Coningsby, published in 1844, Disraeli processes the political struggles of England in the 1930s. The novel presents the life-path of Henry Coningsby, grandson of an overwealthy Lord Monmouth. Due to his political views, Coningsby is disinherited by his family, but even without money, with a hard work, he wins himself a name as an excellent lawyer. Finally he will be elected a member of the British Parliament.

At one point in his novel, Disraeli puts in the mouth of Sidonia, friend of Coningsby, what is clearly the link between the privileged role of the Chosen and anti-Semitism:

Favored by nature and by nature’s God, we produced the lyre of David; we gave you Isaiah and Ezekiel…. Favored by nature we still remain, but in exact proportion as we have been favored by nature, so we have been persecuted by Man…. We have endured fifteen hundred years of supranational slavery…. The Hebrew child has entered adolescence only to learn that he was the pariah of that ungrateful Europe that owes to him the best part of its laws, a fine portion of its literature, all its religion.

The white race and the Jewish chosenness

If somebody considers himself to be chosen, that is superior to other people, this will necessarily lead to conflicts with his fellow human beings. This is related about in the Mission Statement of Matt Nuenke, to be found on his webpage (http://www.neoeugenics.net). Since 1994, Matt Nuenke undertook the defence of the western culture and of the white race. He read numerous academic books in this field, and summarized them briefly on his webpage. Up to now, he read a whole library of works, and he surrogated his thoughts of them. Nuenke conceives the Semitism and anti-Semitism as the self-defence struggle of the western culture and of the white race against the world strategy of the triumphant Semitism.

He starts from the idea that we, humans are very much like our primate ancestors. With our larger intelligent brains, we have acquired the ability to foresee our deaths as soon as we are able to understand life, at a very young age, knowing that we have a brief time to live, a time to be made the most of. Instead, we have turned back to our primitive instincts and succumbed to religion, false beliefs, and submission to dominance by others. The answer to this dilemma during most of this century, has been to try and change human culture, assuming it is infinitely malleable. All this led to the agony of communism and the shortcomings of egalitarian democracies. And in the rest of the world, despotism reigns under numerous doctrines, with little hope for the people subjected to the state's propaganda.

Thus Matt Nuenke thinks that he must put forth the view that to change the human condition we must change the innate nature of humans, that is, we must encourage the breeding of people with a higher intellect, people better able to understand what motivates them and who can eventually revolt against the subjugation by the state or the controlling elite. In this way, we can confront both the organized public power and the organized private power, as well as with the narrow money rule elite controlling both of them.

To this, we can add that in the current money rule world order the main power belongs to the structures of the organized private power. Even within the conditions of the formal democracy, the organized public power, the state, is obliged to give priority to the public interest, because it owes political responsibility and has to step out in front of the electors regularly. The owners of the organized private power – the owners of the financial institutions and multinational firms – are not compelled to give account of how they exert their financial and economic power. They can unscrupulously follow their selfish, particular interests. This is why it is sanctimonious and hypocritical to blame and whip always the dictatorship of the state when the dictatorship of the organized private power prevails camouflaged, but much more effectively.

We agree with Nuenke that the understanding of innate human traits can be done efficiently through a better understanding of behavior genetics. But to promote the theory and practice of eugenics, it becomes necessary to begin with a political agenda to bring it about. It is important to understand that evolution occurs at the genetic, individual and group levels, has to do with advancing both individual eugenics and group eugenics. That is, it appears that the race-preserving and developing eugenics can only be advanced in a world where nations are free to advance their own interests without interference.

In connection with this, Nuenke mentions that, as a joint effect of the United Nations, NATO, the European Union, and the developing New World Order, the peoples of the world, among them also the American people to which Nuenke belongs are on the brink of giving up national sovereignty for world totalitarianism. In this world order controlled from a single centre the world elite will dictate to the masses how to think and behave. For the sake of the self-defence of mankind, Nuenke advocates two primary future viable options for eugenics. One of them is a return to nationalism, the protection of the interests of a national collectivity, where, within national frames, different nations will compete, with the accomplishment of various social and scientific agendas. The goal of these is to raise their peoples to higher levels of intelligence, followed by other traits the population desires to promote, and/or, to increase group solidarity and practice eugenics without borders.

The second eugenics method has been practiced by Jews for thousands of years. Nuenke finds it can be a dangerous road to follow for it invariably leads to group conflict in the nations where Jews dominate. Therefore he wants to do primarily not with the technology of eugenics but with human nature and how the white race got into a detrimental situation can react as a competing group. The future will decide how severely will political forces try to fight eugenics and what group or nation will be the victor in the end. But a more highly evolved human will be the result and this process will continue unabated into the future. Nuenke here refers to Nietzsche who already predicted that the higher

Reviews for Equals and More Equals

[Joe Citarrella · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

The truth against the net of lies. Read, learn and keep the true catholic faith.

[Arden Eby · Rating: 1 out of 5 stars]

Racist Neo-Nazi Garbage that should be removed from Scribd. I have reported it.