Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus

By Marcus Aurelius

According to Wikipedia: "Marcus Aurelius (26 April 121 – 17 March 180 AD), was Roman Emperor from 161 to 180 AD. He ruled with Lucius Verus as co-emperor from 161 until Verus' death in 169. He was the last of the "Five Good Emperors", and is also considered one of the most important Stoic philosophers... Marcus Aurelius' Stoic tome Meditations, written in Greek while on campaign between 170 and 180, is still revered as a literary monument to a philosophy of service and duty, describing how to find and preserve equanimity in the midst of conflict by following nature as a source of guidance and inspiration."

• Language: English
• Publisher: Seltzer Books
• Release date: Mar 1, 2018
• ISBN: 9781455428540

Marcus Aurelius

Marcus Aurelius ruled the Roman Empire from 161 to 180 AD. Born to an upper-class Roman family in 121, Aurelius was adopted by his uncle, the emperor Antoninus Pius, in 138. Aurelius studied Greek and Latin literature, philosophy, and law, and was especially influenced by the Stoic thinker Epictetus. After Pius’s death, Aurelius succeeded the throne alongside his adoptive brother, Lucius Verus. His reign was marked by plague, numerous military conflicts, and the deaths of friends and family—including Lucius Verus in 169. Despite these struggles, the Empire flourished under Marcus’s rule as the last emperor of the Pax Romana, an era from 27 to 180 of relative peace and prosperity for the Roman Empire. Aurelius wrote his Meditations as spiritual exercises never intended for publication, and died at fifty-eight while on campaign against the Germanic tribes.

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THE THOUGHTS OF THE EMPEROR MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS

published by Samizdat Express, Orange, CT, USA

established in 1974, offering over 14,000 books

Ancient Greek and Roman culture, literature, and philosophy --

Plato, Complete Dialogues, translated by Jowett

The Architecture of Vitruvius

Cookery and Dining in Imperial Rome by Apicius

The Geography of Strabo

Letters of Pliny

A Selection of the Discourses of Epictetus

On the Sublime by Longinus

Treatises on Friendship and Old Age by Cicero

Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius

The Golden Ass by Apuleius

The Golden Sayings of Epictetus

Of the Nature of Things by Lucretius

Ovid's Metamorphoses

Plutarch's Morals

Plutarch's Essays

Lives of the Poets by Suetonius

Five comedies by Plautus

Comedies by Terence

Trips to the Moon by Lucian

The True History by Lucian

Satyricon by Petronius

Roman Women by Brittain

Daphnis and Chloe by Longus

Aristophanes all 11 comedies

Aeschylus 7 plays

Sophocles 7 plays

Euripides 10 plays

The Consolation of Philosophy by Boethius

Virgil's Aeneid translated by William Morris

Homeric Hymns

Homer's Iliad in prose translated by Andrew Lang

Homer's Iliad in verse translated by Alexander Pope

Homer's Odyssey in prose translated by Samuel Butler

Homer's Odyssey in verse translated by Alexander Pope

Aristotle's Poetic, Ethics, Politics, and Categories

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH     

PHILOSOPHY OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS     

THE THOUGHTS     

Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 10

Chapter 11

Chapter 12

INDEXES.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS.

M. Antoninus was born at Rome, A.D. 121, on the 26th of April. His father, Annius Verus, died while he was praetor. His mother was Domitia Calvilla, also named Lucilla. The Emperor T. Antoninus Pius married Annia Galeria Faustina, the sister of Annius Verus, and was consequently the uncle of M. Antoninus. When Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius and declared him his successor in the empire, Antoninus Pius adopted both L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aelius Caesar, and M. Antoninus, whose original name was M. Annius Verus. Antoninus then took the name of M. Aelius Aurelius Verus, to which was added the title of Caesar in A.D. 139: the name Aelius belonged to Hadrian's family, and Aurelius was the name of Antoninus Pius. When M. Antoninus became Augustus, he dropped the name of Verus and took the name of Antoninus. Accordingly he is generally named M. Aurelius Antoninus, or simply M. Antoninus.

The youth was most carefully brought up. He thanks the gods (i. 17) that he had good grandfathers, good parents, a good sister, good teachers, good associates, good kinsmen and friends, nearly everything good. He had the happy fortune to witness the example of his uncle and adoptive father Antoninus Pius, and he has recorded in his word (i. 16; vi. 30) the virtues of the excellent man and prudent ruler. Like many young Romans he tried his hand at poetry and studied rhetoric. Herodes Atticus and M. Cornelius Fronto were his teachers in eloquence. There are extant letters between Fronto and Marcus,[A] which show the great affection of the pupil for the master, and the master's great hopes of his industrious pupil. M. Antoninus mentions Fronto (i. 11) among those to whom he was indebted for his education.

    [A] M. Cornelii Frontonis Reliquiae, Berlin, 1816. There are a     few letters between Fronto and Antoninus Pius.

When he was eleven years old, he assumed the dress of philosophers, something plain and coarse, became a hard student, and lived a most laborious, abstemious life, even so far as to injure his health. Finally, he abandoned poetry and rhetoric for philosophy, and he attached himself to the sect of the Stoics. But he did not neglect the study of law, which was a useful preparation for the high place which he was designed to fill. His teacher was L. Volusianus Maecianus, a distinguished jurist. We must suppose that he learned the Roman discipline of arms, which was a necessary part of the education of a man who afterwards led his troops to battle against a warlike race.

Antoninus has recorded in his first book the names of his teachers, and the obligations which he owed to each of them. The way in which he speaks of what he learned from them might seem to savor of vanity or self-praise, if we look carelessly at the way in which he has expressed himself; but if any one draws this conclusion, he will be mistaken. Antoninus means to commemorate the merits of his several teachers, what they taught, and what a pupil might learn from them. Besides, this book, like the eleven other books, was for his own use; and if we may trust the note at the end of the first book, it was written during one of M. Antoninus' campaigns against the Quadi, at a time when the commemoration of the virtues of his illustrious teachers might remind him of their lessons and the practical uses which he might derive from them.

Among his teachers of philosophy was Sextus of Chaeroneia, a grandson of Plutarch. What he learned from this excellent man is told by himself (i. 9). His favorite teacher was Q. Junius Rusticus (i. 7), a philosopher, and also a man of practical good sense in public affairs. Rusticus was the adviser of Antoninus after he became emperor. Young men who are destined for high places are not often fortunate in those who are about them, their companions and teachers; and I do not know any example of a young prince having had an education which can be compared with that of M. Antoninus. Such a body of teachers distinguished by their acquirements and their character will hardly be collected again; and as to the pupil, we have not had one like him since.

Hadrian died in July A.D. 138, and was succeeded by Antoninus Pius. M. Antoninus married Faustina, his cousin, the daughter of Pius, probably about A.D. 146, for he had a daughter born in 147. He received from his adoptive father the title of Caesar, and was associated with him in the administration of the state. The father and the adopted son lived together in perfect friendship and confidence. Antoninus was a dutiful son, and the emperor Pius loved and esteemed him.

Antoninus Pius died in March, A.D. 161. The Senate, it is said, urged M. Antoninus to take the sole administration of the empire, but he associated with himself the other adopted son of Pius, L. Ceionius Commodus, who is generally called L. Verus. Thus Rome for the first time had two emperors. Verus was an indolent man of pleasure, and unworthy of his station. Antoninus however bore with him, and it is said Verus had sense enough to pay to his colleague the respect due to his character. A virtuous emperor and a loose partner lived together in peace, and their alliance was strengthened by Antoninus giving to Verus for wife his daughter Lucilla.

The reign of Antoninus was first troubled by a Parthian war, in which Verus was sent to command; but he did nothing, and the success that was obtained by the Romans in Armenia and on the Euphrates and Tigris was due to his generals. This Parthian war ended in A.D. 165. Aurelius and Verus had a triumph (A.D. 166) for the victories in the East. A pestilence followed, which carried off great numbers in Rome and Italy, and spread to the west of Europe.

The north of Italy was also threatened by the rude people beyond the Alps, from the borders of Gallia to the eastern side of the Hadriatic. These barbarians attempted to break into Italy, as the Germanic nations had attempted near three hundred years before; and the rest of the life of Antoninus, with some intervals, was employed in driving back the invaders. In 169 Verus suddenly died, and Antoninus administered the state alone.

During the German wars Antoninus resided for three years on the Danube at Carnuntum. The Marcomanni were driven out of Pannonia and almost destroyed in their retreat across the Danube; and in A.D. 174 the emperor gained a great victory over the Quadi.

In A.D. 175, Avidius Cassius, a brave and skilful Roman commander who was at the head of the troops in Asia, revolted, and declared himself Augustus. But Cassius was assassinated by some of his officers, and so the rebellion came to an end. Antoninus showed his humanity by his treatment of the family and the partisans of Cassius; and his letter to the Senate, in which he recommends mercy, is extant. (Vulcatius, Avidius Cassius, c. 12.)

Antoninus set out for the East on hearing of Cassius' revolt. Though he appears to have returned to Rome in A.D. 174, he went back to prosecute the war against the Germans, and it is probable that he marched direct to the East from the German war. His wife Faustina, who accompanied him into Asia, died suddenly at the foot of the Taurus, to the great grief of her husband. Capitolinus, who has written the life of Antoninus, and also Dion Cassius, accuses the empress of scandalous infidelity to her husband, and of abominable lewdness. But Capitolinus says that Antoninus either knew it not or pretended not to know it. Nothing is so common as such malicious reports in all ages, and the history of imperial Rome is full of them. Antoninus loved his wife, and he says that she was obedient, affectionate, and simple. The same scandal had been spread about Faustina's mother, the wife of Antoninus Pius, and yet he too was perfectly satisfied with his wife. Antoninus Pius says after her death, in a letter to Fronto, that he would rather have lived in exile with his wife than in his palace at Rome without her. There are not many men who would give their wives a better character than these two emperors. Capitolinus wrote in the time of Diocletian. He may have intended to tell the truth, but he is a poor, feeble biographer. Dion Cassius, the most malignant of historians, always reports, and perhaps he believed, any scandal against anybody.

Antoninus continued his journey to Syria and Egypt, and on his return to Italy through Athens he was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. It was the practice of the emperor to conform to the established rites of the age, and to perform religious ceremonies with due solemnity. We cannot conclude from this that he was a superstitious man, though we might perhaps do so if his book did not show that he was not. But that is only one among many instances that a ruler's public acts do not always prove his real opinions. A prudent governor will not roughly oppose even the superstitions of his people; and though he may wish they were wiser, he will know that he cannot make them so by offending their prejudices.

Antoninus and his son Commodus entered Rome in triumph, perhaps for some German victories, on the 23d. of December, A.D. 176. In the following year Commodus was associated with his father in the empire, and took the name of Augustus. This year A.D. 177 is memorable in ecclesiastical history. Attalus and others were put to death at Lyon for their adherence to the Christian religion. The evidence of this persecution is a letter preserved by Eusebius (E.H. V. I; printed in Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. i, with notes). The letter is from the Christians of Vienna and Lugdunum in Gallia (Vienna and Lyon) to their Christian brethren in Asia and Phrygia; and it is preserved perhaps nearly entire. It contains a very particular description of the tortures inflicted on the Christians in Gallia, and it states that while the persecution was going on, Attalus, a Christian and a Roman citizen, was loudly demanded by the populace and brought into the amphitheatre; but the governor ordered him to be reserved, with the rest who were in prison, until he had received instructions from the emperor. Many had been tortured before the governor thought of applying to Antoninus. The imperial rescript, says the letter, was that the Christians should be punished, but if they would deny their faith, they must be released. On this the work began again. The Christians who were Roman citizens were beheaded; the rest were exposed to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. Some modern writers on ecclesiastical history, when they use this letter, say nothing of the wonderful stories of the martyrs' sufferings. Sanctus, as the letter says, was burnt with plates of hot iron till his body was one sore and had lost all human form; but on being put to the rack he recovered his former appearance under the torture, which was thus a cure instead of a punishment. He was afterwards torn by beasts, and placed on an iron chair and roasted. He died at last.

The letter is one piece of evidence. The writer, whoever he was that wrote in the name of the Gallic Christians, is our evidence both for the ordinary and the extraordinary circumstances of the story, and we cannot accept his evidence for one part and reject the other. We often receive small evidence as a proof of a thing we believe to be within the limits of probability or possibility, and we reject exactly the same evidence, when the thing to which it refers appears very improbable or impossible. But this is a false method of inquiry, though it is followed by some modern writers, who select what they like from a story and reject the rest of the evidence; or if they do not reject it, they dishonestly suppress it. A man can only act consistently by accepting all this letter or rejecting it all, and we cannot blame him for either. But he who rejects it may still admit that such a letter may be founded on real facts; and he would make this admission as the most probable way of accounting for the existence of the letter; but if, as he would suppose, the writer has stated some things falsely, he cannot tell what part of his story is worthy of credit.

The war on the northern frontier appears to have been uninterrupted during the visit of Antoninus to the East, and on his return the emperor again left Rome to oppose the barbarians. The Germanic people were defeated in a great battle A.D. 179. During this campaign the emperor was seized with some contagious malady, of which he died in the camp at Sirmium (Mitrovitz), on the Save, in Lower Pannonia, but at Vindebona (Vienna), according to other authorities, on the 17th of March, A.D. 180, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His son Commodus was with him. The body, or the ashes probably, of the emperor were carried to Rome, and he received the honor of deification. Those who could afford it had his statue or bust; and when Capitolinus wrote, many people still had statues of Antoninus among the Dei Penates or household deities. He was in a manner made a saint. Commodus erected to the memory of his father the Antonine column which is now in the Piazza Colonna at Rome. The bassi rilievi which are placed in a spiral line round the shaft commemorate the victories of Antoninus over the Marcomanni and the Quadi, and the miraculous shower of rain which refreshed the Roman soldiers and discomfited their enemies. The statue of Antoninus was placed on the capital of the column, but it was removed at some time unknown, and a bronze statue of St. Paul was put in the place by Pope Sixtus the fifth.

The historical evidence for the times of Antoninus is very defective, and some of that which remains is not credible. The most curious is the story about the miracle which happened in A.D. 174, during the war with the Quadi. The Roman army was in danger of perishing by thirst, but a sudden storm drenched them with rain, while it discharged fire and hail on their enemies, and the Romans gained a great victory. All the authorities which speak of the battle speak also of the miracle. The Gentile writers assign it to their gods, and the Christians to the intercession of the Christian legion in the emperor's army. To confirm the Christian statement it is added that the emperor gave the title of Thundering to this legion; but Dacier and others, who maintain the Christian report of the miracle, admit that this title of Thundering or Lightning was not given to this legion because the Quadi were struck with lightning, but because there was a figure of lightning on their shields, and that this title of the legion existed in the time of Augustus.

Scaliger also had observed that the legion was called Thundering ([Greek: keraunobolos], or [Greek: keraunophoros]) before the reign of Antoninus. We learn this from Dion Cassius (Lib. 55, c. 23, and the note of Reimarus), who enumerates all the legions of Augustus' time. The name Thundering of Lightning also occurs on an inscription of the reign of Trajan, which was found at Trieste. Eusebius (v. 5), when he relates the miracle, quotes Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis, as authority for this name being given to the legion Melitene by the emperor in consequence of the success which he obtained through their prayers; from which we may estimate the value of Apolinarius' testimony. Eusebius does not say in what book of Apolinarius the statement occurs. Dion says that the Thundering legion was stationed in Cappadocia in the time of Augustus. Valesius also observes that in the Notitia of the Imperium Romanum there is mentioned under the commander of Armenia the Praefectura of the twelfth legion named Thundering Melitene; and this position in Armenia will agree with what Dion says of its position in Cappadocia. Accordingly Valesius concludes that Melitene was not the name of the legion, but of the town in which it was stationed. Melitene was also the name of the district in which this town was situated. The legions did not, he says, take their name from the place where they were on duty, but from the country in which they were raised, and therefore what Eusebius says about the Melitene does not seem probable to him. Yet Valesius, on the authority of Apolinarius and Tertullian, believed that the miracle was worked through the prayers of the Christian soldiers in the emperor's army. Rufinus does not give the name of Melitene to this legion, says Valesius, and probably he purposely omitted it, because he knew that Melitene was the name of a town in Armenia Minor, where the legion was stationed in his time.

The emperor, it is said, made a report of his victory to the Senate, which we may believe, for such was the practice; but we do not know what he said in his letter, for it is not extant. Dacier assumes that the emperor's letter was purposely destroyed by the Senate or the enemies of Christianity, that so honorable a testimony to the Christians and their religion might not be perpetuated. The critic has however not seen that he contradicts himself when he tells us the purport of the letter, for he says that it was destroyed, and even Eusebius could not find it. But there does exist a letter in Greek addressed by Antoninus to the Roman people and the sacred Senate after this memorable victory. It is sometimes printed after Justin's first Apology, but it is totally unconnected with the apologies. This letter is one of the most stupid forgeries of the many which exist, and it cannot be possibly founded even on the genuine report of Antoninus to the Senate. If it were genuine, it would free the emperor from the charge of persecuting men because they were Christians, for he says in this false letter that if a man accuse another only of being a Christian, and the accused confess, and there is nothing else against him, he must be set free; with this monstrous addition, made by a man inconceivably ignorant, that the informer must be burnt alive.[A]

    [A] Eusebius (v. 5) quotes Tertullian's Apology to the Roman     Senate in confirmation of the story. Tertullian, he says,     writes that letters of the emperor were extant, in which he     declares that his army was saved by the prayers of the     Christians; and that he threatened to punish with death those     who ventured to accuse us. It is possible that the forged     letter which is now extant may be one of those which Tertullian     had seen, for he uses the plural number, letters. A great     deal has been written about this miracle of the Thundering     Legion, and more than is worth reading. There is a dissertation     on this supposed miracle in Moyle's Works, London, 1726.

During the time of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Antoninus there appeared the first Apology of Justinus, and under M. Antoninus the Oration of Tatian against the Greeks, which was a fierce attack on the established religions; the address of Athenagoras to M. Antoninus on behalf of the Christians, and the Apology of Melito, bishop of Sardes, also addressed to the emperor, and that of Apolinarius. The first Apology of Justinus is addressed to T. Antoninus Pius and his two adopted sons, M. Antoninus and L. Verus; but we do not know whether they read it.[A] The second Apology of Justinus is entitled to the Roman Senate; but this superscription is from some copyist. In the first chapter Justinus addresses the Romans. In the second chapter he speaks of an affair that had recently happened in the time of M. Antoninus and L,. Verus, as it seems; and he also directly addresses the emperor, saying of a certain woman, she addressed a petition to thee, the emperor, and thou didst grant the petition. In other passages the writer addresses the two emperors, from which we must conclude that the Apology was directed to them. Eusebius (E.H. iv. 18) states that the second Apology was addressed to the successor of Antoninus Pius, and he names him Antoninus Verus, meaning M. Antoninus. In one passage of this second Apology (c. 8), Justinus, or the writer, whoever he may be, says that even men who followed the Stoic doctrines, when they ordered their lives according to ethical reason, were hated and murdered, such as Heraclitus, Musonius in his own times, and others; for all those who in any way labored to live according to reason and avoided wickedness were always hated; and this was the effect of the work of daemons.

    [A] Orosius, vii. 14, says

Reviews for Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus

[stevenjohntait · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

Very good. A lot of it was over my head, so I wasn't entirely sure of what he was trying to tell me (or himself...) But this is a book I'll read again someday. It is a must for anyone interested in stoicism, or classical philosophy, or becoming the best version of themselves. It is also a great insight into the mind of a very interesting person.

[knotbox · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

Philosophy was a hard sell for me to actually read, I’ll admit. In high school I always wanted to be someone who could quote and understood ancient philosophers. I’ve acquired several books and never read them. But when a friend shared a quote from this book that struck a chord, I knew I would actually read this one. Even if it did take me a rather long time.Here’s a snippet of that quote:You will never be remarkable for quick-wittedness. Be it so, then; yet there are still a host of other qualities whereof you cannot say, 'I have no bent for them.' Cultivate these, then, for they are wholly within your power: sincerity, for example, and dignity; industriousness, and sobriety. It’s worth mentioning that I have questions about his views on slavery and think he may have been a misogynist, but also that every single “you” in this text was addressed to himself. Apparently this masterful philosopher and emperor struggled with certain concepts a lot and attempted to steer his mind to better thoughts. It’s really commendable. I doubt my own ‘notes to self’ would be as compelling.I’ve heard it from several readers, the Penguin Great Ideas edition is really good. I marked that sucker up, and despite a slow and rocky beginning find myself thinking often of things that Marcus has said and wanting to re-read and share things with everyone. We disagree on a lot, but still, I’d love to hang out with that dude."You don't mind if I call you Marcus, do you?" I’ll say when I drop in to have a beer in his courtyard, put my feet up on the furniture and annoy the shit out of him.I'm really glad I read it.

[hadriantheblind · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

The inner thoughts of a Roman emperor. Profound and for some, inspiring. A mournful, yet strong man, philosopher-king, which we don't see too often anywhere.

[charlie68_1 · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

A book to savour. A lot of things that are agreeable. Not originally for publication just Aurelius' private thoughts. Not a lot that I disagreed with.

[bezoar44 · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

(review of Gregory Hays translation, 2003 Modern Library edition)The Meditations are, as presented by Hays in his very helpful introduction, best understood as the private spiritual exercises of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Hays' introduction lays out the various philosophic strains that shaped Marcus Aurelius' thinking, and fits the work into the broader cultural context of late Roman attitudes towards life, philosophy, and religion. The translation is fluid and incisive, making the thoughts come alive.The Mediations will reward periodic rereading. The author spirals obsessively around a handful of philosophical themes: that everything we know, love, or hate is transient and will pass away; that freedom comes from accepting that most of the world - everything other than one's own choices about how to behave -- ultimately lies beyond one's control; that virtue is rooted in self-discipline. For most of us, there's a lot more to life than this, but as he works and reworks his themes, Marcus Aurelius reveals new angles or insights that give the Meditations a rich depth. Throughout, I kept wondering, with his focus on transience, self-discipline, and compassion towards others, what Marcus Aurelius would have made of Buddhism.Underlying its wisdom, the Meditations carries two striking internal tensions. The first may simply reflect the gap between the author's intent - personal spiritual exercises -- and the book's acquired status as a work for the ages. Marcus Aurelius constantly suggests that anyone in his audience can follow his advice and be free. On the other hand, the author's position -- a patriarch among patriarchs -- is hardly universal. Only for a person with great privilege could the problem of suffering look so manageable through simple willpower. This tension subsides if Marcus Aurelius really wrote for himself alone.The other major tension doesn't depend on the intended audience: Marcus Aurelius repeatedly orders the reader both to live in the present, and to be strategic - which necessarily implies thinking several steps ahead. That contradiction isn't unique to the Meditations; it's a challenge for all philosophic or religious systems that affirm transcendent values while also encouraging followers to engage and shape the world. While the tension is not resolved (can it ever be?), it gives the Meditations a realistic, pragmatic feel.

[chriszodrow · Rating: 2 out of 5 stars]

The end of the Roman culture was marked by spiritual decay. This book reveals the anatomy of parched empire. A necessary but painful read.

[msaucier818 · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

Honestly I was a bit disappointed with this. I think the disappointment might have been more about me and how I just wasn't feeling this type of book at the start of a vacation. There is nothing ground breaking in here, but is a series of proverbs about how to live your life. There were historical examples he used that I enjoyed, but overall the book did not leave a big impression on me.

[nielsengw_1 · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

Marcus Aurelius was Emperor of the Roman Empire from 161 to 180 CE. Considered the last of the Five Good Emperors, he oversaw his empire with stoicism and equality. In his Meditations, written while on a military campaign in the last decade of his life, he sets forth a series of aphorisms, letters, and principles that he tried to live by. As a stoic, he thought that powerful emotions were the cause of errors in life and so sought to live a life of a more moral and intellectual manner.The Meditations aren’t really written for an audience, and this translation is a little stilted. But what you can tell is that Marcus Aurelius is trying to reflect upon a rather interesting life. There are times when he is contented in good memories and times when the ennui of his stoic life gets to him. But the overall message is to live a good life (“Death hangs over you: while you live, and while you may, be good”) and try not to be too overly swayed by things outside of one’s control. “It is not right to vex ourselves at things,” he says, “for they care not about it.”In the end, Marcus Aurelius’s message is both honorable and interesting. The writing takes a little getting used to, so it would behoove readers to find a good translation. It is, however, a rather good beginning look into stoicism and its effectiveness in the proper hands. Marcus Aurelius, when set against the likes of Nero and Domitian, rules in the vein of a philosopher king and tries desperately to do right by his people. All in all, a refreshing and intellectual book.

[jmcdbooks · Rating: 1 out of 5 stars]

Rated: FOh, I tried. Night after night I would try to digest a few more random thoughts from this stoic Emperor of Rome. I'm not a stoic for sure. Finally gave up about 2/3 through the book. Very few nuggets could I hold up as true in more own life. I rarely give up on a book. Just had to with this one.

[kurt.rocourt · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

The thing that keeps being repeated in this book is don't do bad. Maybe a sign of a guilty conscience, I don't know. It is the theme for this book in any case.

[automatthias · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

"Yes, that's what I think too" was the my main reaction to the book. I missed many references to known figures of Marcus' time, but it would require a book with extensive footnotes to cover all the material. The part I don't quite buy is the living according to nature, because nature is rather hard to define.

[kelsomar · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

This book definately left me thinking. It was engaging and a times difficult but overall I think Meditations is a very worthwhile read.

[dustandshadow · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

I really rather enjoyed this. I admit I don't know much aside from the basics of Marcus Aurelius. I found a lot of simple wisdom in this work. A few favorite lines:“Dwell on the beauty of life. Watch the stars, and see yourself running with them.” “You have power over your mind - not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.” “Everything we hear is an opinion, not a fact. Everything we see is a perspective, not the truth.” “Waste no more time arguing about what a good man should be. Be one.” “It is not death that a man should fear, but he should fear never beginning to live.”

[albertgoldfain · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

Succinct self-help for the stoic. The introduction in the Modern Library edition sets the historical context well and the translation makes most of the advice read as practical and not overly-repetetive.

[jerry.yoakum · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

It seems that Marcus Aurelius put a lot of effort into making it easy to get to the heart of ideas quickly. Which makes this a very quotable book.“Waste no more time arguing what a good man should be. Be one.”“Your mind will take the shape of what you frequently hold in thought, for the human spirit is colored by such impressions.”“Not to feel exasperated, or defeated, or despondent because your days aren’t packed with wise and moral actions. But to get back up when you fail, to celebrate behaving like a human—however imperfectly—and fully embrace the pursuit that you’ve embarked on.”Three Key Takeaway Lessons from Meditations- “You have power over your mind – not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.”- People will always do awful things but we are only responsible our own virtue.- We will die, and we ought not waste our lives being distressed. We should focus on doing good for others with the unknowable amount of time we have left to live. To make this a part of our lives we must reflect regularly on the fact that we will die.

[antao-3 · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

“Concentrate every minute like a Roman— like a man— on doing what’s in front of you with precise and genuine seriousness, tenderly, willingly, with justice. And on freeing yourself from all other distractions. Yes, you can— if you do everything as if it were the last thing you were doing in your life, and stop being aimless, stop letting your emotions override what your mind tells you, stop being hypocritical, self-centered , irritable. You see how few things you have to do to live a satisfying and reverent life? If you can manage this, that’s all even the gods can ask of you.”In “Meditations” by Marcus Aurelius“Para ser grande, sê inteiro: nada Teu exagera ou exclui.Sê todo em cada coisa. Põe quanto és No mínimo que fazes.Assim em cada lago a lua toda Brilha, porque alta vive.”In “Odes de Ricardo Reis” by Fernando PessoaWord of caution: this post is going to be all over the place.I translated this into German a long time ago. I’m not sure I’m up to the task of translating this into English this time around…Let’s give it a go:“To be great, be whole: nothingOf yours exaggerate or exclude.Be all in everything. Put all you areIn everything you do.Be like the moon thatShines whole in every lakeBecause it lives up high.”'Employees that don't care' tend to be carried by their colleagues and managers, until a point whereby their un-professionalism makes their continued employment untenable; nobody wants their workload increased by having to prop up a free-loader. Not overly caring about work and being professional are not mutually exclusive - the “not overly caring” just means not getting too emotional about work, having an objective view about what's achievable and not letting personal feelings interfere too much. Actually it's the opposite. Understanding what's important, not getting bogged down in minutiae and focusing on priorities is perfectly doable while not giving a shit. A lot of people waste their day moaning how busy they are, talking crap in meetings and generally not doing any actual work - while looking like they really care. If someone is continually self-sacrificing in picking up slack to the point of martyrdom, is it your issue or theirs? I fail to see why this is an image worth aspiring to.I think Bhuddism has a lot more baggage than stoicism though and at some level with the meditation and worldview anticipates neuroscience that was to come 2000 years later. They intuited that we were meat puppets and they managed to see behind the veil of our always chattering mind. I don't think stoicism was that clear-sighted. The messages along the lines of "if you don't work hard others have to pick up the slack" amaze me. Why do others need to pick up the slack? Why is it in your interest that you work extra hard for your company, or that your company makes more profits. Are you going to see any of that? No you are not. Pick up the slack for whom exactly? Incredible self-righteous slave mentality that perfectly illustrates the plutocracy we live in. It can also become a situation whereby if you are continuously picking up the slack, others may leave things for you to as 'sure Doggybone will do it, he practically lives here', while he get to leave early. Being a martyr for a company, work group or manager is a fool’s move: “Doggy got the bone!”I advocate ducking out of professional life’s more pointless rituals, like (some) conference calls. “I have never been on a conference call where something actually got decided or accomplished,” some people might say. Might work for some. I have done most of my boldest and successful things by conference call. I've usually met them previously, but not always. The phone is a terrible, wonderful thing. I hate it in lots of ways, but it’s useful to run a business when your partners are in different facilities and sometimes countries! I think it’s important to recognise the times in work when a little extra effort is needed and apply yourself in those moments. Making sure you hold the line and persevere until the problem or task has been resolved will get you far. About twenty years ago I found myself looking at a picture of the tombstone of Man Ray, in Montparnasse cemetery (I was visiting Berardo’s exhibition in Lisbon and I became fascinated by some of his paintings on show). Man Ray’s tombstone was a simple, concrete slab, and it had just four hand written words written on it by hand by Juliette Man Ray. They read: “Unconcerned, but not indifferent.” I lost track of the time I stood in stunned silence, contemplating this thought (I was still in the exhibition; I like to look up artists online I’m not familiar with when I’m go to museums or art exhibitions). This particular thought has become my own rallying cry, and it's made a huge difference to how I work since a few years ago. This means, I'll do what I can, to the best of my ability, and as quickly as I can. If others want to stay late, needlessly fretting over largely pointless nonsense, that's their issue. I aim to stay detached, but alert. So I've gradually managed to shift my perspective to I'll come in, I'll do my job and - on occasion when required - will work above and beyond to make shit happen but I'm damned if I'll be a martyr to the cause. I worked with one of those some years ago, and, frankly, it was exhausting to be around. He was also one of the least organised and least productive members of our team. I also am very comfortable speaking to all directors as equals and don't shy away from a healthy debate around decisions and strategy (I was once a 2nd line SAP Manager so I know what I’m talking about). In fact, these days I rather enjoy it. As a result, work has become easier and my productivity has increased. Worry can make you an incredible procrastinator. So, in conclusion, not giving a fuck is truly liberating. I highly recommend it.Turning to the books at hand, which I read for the umpteenth time, I think Buddhism has a lot more baggage than stoicism though and at some level with the meditation and worldview anticipates neuroscience that was to come 2000 years later. They intuited that we were meat puppets and they managed to see behind the veil of our always chattering mind. I don't think stoicism was that clear-sighted. I agree with the stance that learning when to give a fuck and when not to is at the crux of the matter, because it is exhausting and impossible to keep on top of the chaos of reality in an ordered way. Sometimes you've just got to realize that some things don't turn out how you expected them to and be at peace with that fact. Some years ago, I started coming to work with mismatched socks. My thoughts were that the people who saw me without shoes knew me well enough to get the point - and I have to say it gave me a perverse sort of pleasure going to meetings with my directors knowing I had mismatched socks :-) Small minds and all that :-) Life's too short to be concerned about wearing matching socks...NB: I finished this book on the 18th of April after having been told that a colleague of mine from work, who I had worked with at a major client, had passed away at the tender age of 41 years old. This review reflects the way my take on life is starting to shift. I know I’m a bit late, but better late than never…

[riskedom · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

The main attraction of this book is that it is a book of philosophy written by an emperor. If it was written by someone of more lowly stature it would surely have been forgotten. It is a good insight into his mind but an unfortunate boon to those who love to think the best rulers are those who think philosophically. It would be more interesting to me if it was written by some unknown blacksmith, tailor or farm slave. At least then the question of how they acquired an education in Stoic philosophy would be interesting speculation. Nonetheless, there is some wisdom in the writings and it is encouraging to know that in the midst of such grueling military campaigns he could find time to compose a journal of something other than the progress of the legions against the barbarians.

[gsmattingly · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

I finished reading "Meditations" yesterday. It is a relatively short book but the translation is by Meric Casaubon in 1634, I believe. The language used is, I think, representative of 1634, and at times, a little hard to follow. I have now ordered a copy with language a bit more updated, I hope, without messing up the original thoughts. I'll probably wind up comparing the two versions. Anyway, I found this very interesting and I agreed with a lot in this book. I disagreed with some of it but not exactly in the sense that it was bad but more a matter of an inability on my own part to actually live the way he recommends. Anyway, I thought this was a very good book and I look forward to reading the newer version and also a book called "Marcus Aurelius: The Dialogues" by Alan Stedall and a biography of Marcus Aurelius.

[sagacious33 · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

I've often wondered why we, as a society, focus so much on the views of the powerful and the wealthy. Surely there are millions of men and women who have sided toward a philosophy weighted with moral integrity . I decided that the wealthy and the powerful must overcome temptations that the average man or woman would never dream of. The antics of today's Hollywood stars should suffice to demonstrate that fame, wealth and power can saturate men and women in false senses of superiority. And money and power must provide access to a large variety of creative sins. Despite these realities, Marcus Aurelius, in the years 121-180 A.D., explores a very healthy mindset and provides some guidelines that are every bit as applicable today, some 1940 years later, as they were in the midst of the Roman Empire.

[isatyajeet · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

Reading Aurelius is an enlightening experience and as one reads it, it becomes clear as to how erroneous some of our beliefs / actions are.
A foundation in stoic philosophy is essential to fully grasp the meaning of Marcus's maxims. Without a firm grounding in the stoic principles many of the aphorisms can appear to be morbid, conceited or advocating a life of resignation.
This book was written hundreds of years ago and is still valid to the most, this is wisdom of ages.
Do not read this book as a scholar, read it slowly and think about it!

[glennbell_1 · Rating: 2 out of 5 stars]

The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius is an understandable book in which the Roman emperor provides his philosophy on life, death, and morality. He appears to have been a pious man who believed in the Roman gods. He believed in a moral life and the morality of his gods. He appears practical and spends a good deal of his discussion on the topic of death. I recommend the book for someone interested in historical philosophy. His understanding was limited by the science of the day, but he his thoughts on life and morality are still valuable.

[adamwolf_1 · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

I read the Hays translation, and enjoyed this quite a bit. I'll be thinking about it for a while.

[librarianbryan · Rating: 2 out of 5 stars]

Hodge podge of truisms by a world leader obviously convinced of his own moral superiority. Is there wisdom in here? Sure, but it is wisdom any intelligent, remotely self reflective, person will already possess.

[shdawson · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

Some ranting, but still a good read. Take the writing in context of a successful though dying person.

[joeodeg · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

I have read this book a number of times and always gain something new each time I revisit it. Although I find aspects of Stoic thinking quite foreign, there is unquestionably a disciplined and humble mind behind these words. I wish more of our contemporary leaders could muster the courage to be as humble.

[rivkat_2 · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

Remember that you will die soon, Aurelius says, and you will behave properly, without too much concern for glory. After all, anyone who remembers you will also soon die, in the larger scheme of things, and you’ll all be dead much longer than you were alive.

[anituel · Rating: 5 out of 5 stars]

An important, but oft neglected, work of Graeco-Roman philosophy. Marcus Aurelius was insightful, if not extremely downhearted, and represents some of the finest philosophical thinking of his time.

[johnxlibris · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

There is something about Marcus Aurelius's brand of Stoicism that appeals to me. His almost simple belief in the power of reason and truth is comforting. His text offers helpful habits of mind that would be appreciated by anyone who values the practice of mindfulness and attention. I can easily see myself coming back to this book later in life.

[vetris-2 · Rating: 4 out of 5 stars]

Meditations shows one of the great philosopher kings, Marcus Aurelius, struggling with his internal views and grappling with his own brand of stoicism. It is structured in such a way that it seems like his own inner monologue is speaking to you through the pages. Even after all this time, it is full of great quotes that I will have to look back upon. It seems to repeat itself by addressing the topic in different ways, almost as if he was trying to convince himself to the truth of his writings through some inner debate.

[millata_1 · Rating: 3 out of 5 stars]

This book is not my favourite of the Great Ideas series but it wasn't all bad either. I would categorise it as: "a classic you might as well read" because even if I wouldn't read it again there were still some good bits and as the book can be finished in one afternoon, you won't feel like you wasted a lot of time in the event you won't enjoy it.