Stalin: A Pocket Biography
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About this ebook
This concise biography presents Lenin’s heir from his humble and troubled beginnings to the highest rank of all: General Secretary of the Communist Party. Stalin: A Pocket Biography is an accessible account of a complex tyrant, perfect for students or anyone taking a first look into modern Russian history.
Harold Shukman
Harold Shukman was a British historian, academic and author. Born in London to a family of Jewish immigrants escaping from the Russian Empire, Harold spent his academic career pursuing Jewish and Russian history, becoming the director of the Russian centre at St Antony's College, Oxford. He retired in 1998.
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Stalin - Harold Shukman
1
Introduction
‘I kiss you on the nose, Eskimo-fashion. Dammit! I miss you something awful. I miss you like hell, I swear. I have no one, not a soul to have a proper talk with, damn you. Is there really no way for you to come to Cracow?’1 In December 1912, Stalin wrote to his party comrade Lev Kamenev, then in Geneva, in this jocular tone, very much as one Russian intellectual might write to another. Twenty-four years later, he would stage-manage Kamenev’s trial as a ‘Fascist spy’ and have him shot like a dog.
In 1912, Stalin was regarded by his comrades as an audacious revolutionary and an affable comrade – indeed, Lenin described him as a ‘wonderful Georgian’. By the 1930s, he had become a homicidal monster whose thirst for their blood seemed insatiable. When, in the late 1940s, for his own twisted purposes, he masterminded the arrest and in some cases the execution of the wives of some of his closest and longest-serving accomplices, the omnipotent dictator would sadistically respond to their pleas for mercy: ‘It doesn’t depend on me. I can do nothing. Only the NKVD [secret police] can sort it out.’2
What had wrought this transformation? How had a provincial, comparatively insignificant member of a small, unsuccessful group of journalists and persecuted political conspirators – which the Bolsheviks mostly were before the First World War – become one of the most powerful and merciless dictators in history, a dictator whose name and image would saturate every field of Soviet endeavour? How did that image evolve from the ‘grey blur’ depicted by one of the closest observers of 1917, and the ‘outstanding mediocrity’, as the revolution’s most vivid personality called him, into a demigod, an icon worshipped by his own subjects, as well as by an international movement that included many educated and thoughtful people abroad?
Under Stalin’s rule, what had been the Russian Empire was transformed no less spectacularly. When Lenin died in 1924 and Stalin took over the reins of power, the Soviet Union had barely begun to recover from the successive ravages of the First World War, the Civil War and the economic failures of the new regime. Both the industry and the agriculture of this predominantly agrarian country had been reduced to a shadow of their former scale. Yet by 1939 the Soviet Union was an industrial and military power of formidable strength. Driven in 1941 by Hitler’s armies into its own heartland, by 1943 the Red Army turned the war around and by the spring of 1945 was sharing Europe with its Western Allies. Under Stalin’s rule the USSR, a pre-war pariah among nations, took its place on the United Nations Security Council as the leader of the ‘socialist camp’ in a world that was soon to be divided by the Cold War.
As a member of the Politburo from 1917 and as its head from 1924, Stalin can be said to have been in power for thirty-six years, from the time of the revolution until his death in 1953. And since he left no personal diary – that we know of – the story of his life is inevitably and inextricably linked to the history of the period. It is the purpose of this brief account to examine these parallel transformations – Stalin’s and the Soviet Union’s – and to see how they are interrelated.
2
Beginnings
The Early Years
Stalin’s birthday has always been given as 9/21 December 1879. The local archives now reveal that he was in fact born on 6/18 December 1878, a year earlier. There is no explanation for this discrepancy. His birthplace was Gori, a small town of some 12,000 inhabitants of mixed Caucasian origin, in the Georgian province of Tiflis (Tblisi), and close to the Borzhom source of mineral water that would remain Stalin’s digestive of choice until the end of his life. Named Iosif (Joseph) and known by the Georgian diminutive of Soso, he was the third son of Vissarion (Beso) Dzhugashvili and Yekaterina (Keke), née Geladze. Two infant children had died before Soso arrived.
His father, Beso, was one of the small town’s ninety-two cobblers, among the lowest ranking trades in the hierarchy of artisanry, the topmost being that of watchmaker. His brutishness, poverty and frustration made Beso a violent, drunken husband and father; his wife, a pious Christian, was a hard-working laundry-woman and seamstress. She was dedicated to her only child and determined that he should rise above his origins and, ideally, become a priest in the Orthodox Church. Violence and discord in the family home eventually led to the parents’ separation and Beso ended up dying either in a Tiflis doss-house or after being knifed in a brawl. He was buried as a pauper.
A Georgian-speaker until the age of eleven – he would never lose the distinctive accent – thanks to his mother’s efforts and the help of a sympathetic patron, Soso entered the church school in Gori in 1888. In 1894, having graduated with top marks, he was admitted to the Tiflis Seminary to train as a priest. Here he showed talent and a phenomenal memory for Biblical texts. Here also it was that, like so many other young people throughout the empire, he was swept up by the tide of discontent and rebellion that characterized Russia at the turn of the century. Peasants were rioting for more land; workers were striking for better conditions; students were demonstrating for their curricula to be liberalized; intellectuals were demanding political reform that would give society a voice in government; senior officials were being assassinated; anarchists were throwing bombs; Social Democrats were setting up clandestine organizations to bring the message of socialist revolution to the proletariat.
Soso and his fellow seminarists were ripe for conversion to the new political creed. The lack of intellectual stimulation in their studies and the drab harshness of seminary life made them vulnerable to the political ferment that was stirring in Russia, let alone the excitement of the colourful Georgian capital. While still playing the diligent theological student in class, Soso was reading Marx and Darwin. He became an atheist and began associating with underground, i.e. clandestine, revolutionary circles.
By 1899, the seminary and everything it stood for was insufferable to him. After ten years of religious education, at the age of twenty-one and no longer manageable in the seminary, he was expelled for indiscipline. As a fellow seminarist and revolutionary of the time wrote, the young Stalin