Abraham Lincoln: A Press Portrait: His Life and Times from the Original Newspaper Documents of the Union, the Confederacy, and Europe

By Herbert Mitgang

“To say he is ugly is nothing. To add that his figure is grotesque is to convey no adequate impression.”

“He is destined to occupy in history…a quaintness, originality, courage, honesty, magnanimity and popular force of character such as have never heretofore…”

These starkly different 19th century newspaper depictions describe one and the same man: Abraham Lincoln. Nearly 150 years after his death, Lincoln is universally considered our most beloved U.S. president. Yet in his own time, the reception he received at the hands of journalists was far more mixed. In this essential volume, noted Lincoln scholar Herbert Mitgang has painstakingly gathered the most thorough, wide-ranging collection of actual newspaper accounts that show how Lincoln was portrayed by northern, southern, and foreign newspapers. It reveals a far more beleaguered, less godlike, and finally a richer Lincoln than has come through many other biographies.

While often revered in print, for example, he was just as often crucified, even by some newspapers in his home state of Illinois that portrayed him throughout his career as a joker instead of a thinker. Most shockingly, perhaps, one Houston paper wrote after his assassination: “From now until God’s judgment day, the minds of men will not cease to thrill at the killing of Abraham Lincoln.”

For those only familiar with the “retouched” versions of Lincoln’s life, Abraham Lincoln: A Press Portrait offers an often surprising and wholly unsanitized account of how his contemporaries actually saw him before, during, and after the Civil War. It is must read for the serious scholar and Lincoln buff alike.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Open Road Integrated Media
• Release date: Nov 24, 2015
• ISBN: 9781504028783

Book preview

ABRAHAM

LINCOLN

A Press Portrait

His Life and Times

from the Original Newspaper Documents

of the Union, the Confederacy,

and Europe

Edited and narrated by

HERBERT MITGANG

ALSO BY HERBERT MITGANG

BIOGRAPHY

THE FIERY TRIAL: A LIFE OF LINCOLN

THE MAN WHO RODE THE TIGER: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JUDGE SAMUEL SEABURY

REPORTAGE

FREEDOM TO SEE: TELEVISION AND THE FIRST AMENDMENT

LITERATURE

WORKING FOR THE READER: A CHRONICLE OF CULTURE, LITERATURE, WAR AND POLITICS IN BOOKS

WORDS STILL COUNT WITH ME: A CHRONICLE OF LITERARY CONVERSATIONS

HISTORY

THE LETTERS OF CARL SANDBURG

AMERICA AT RANDOM: TOPICS OF THE TIMES

WASHINGTON, D.C. IN LINCOLN’S TIME

SPECTATOR OF AMERICA

CIVILIANS UNDER ARMS: STARS & STRIPES, CIVIL WAR TO KOREA

ONCE UPON A TIME IN NEW YORK: JIMMY WALKER, FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, AND THE LAST GREAT BATTLE OF THE JAZZ AGE

NEWSMEN IN KHAKI: TALES OF A WORLD WAR II SOLDIER CORRESPONDENT

FICTION

THE RETURN

GET THESE MEN OUT OF THE HOT SUN

THE MONTAUK FAULT

KINGS IN THE COUNTING HOUSE

PLAYS

MISTER LINCOLN

ADLAI, ALONE

To Shirley Mitgang

Contents

      INTRODUCTION TO THE 2000 EDITION

      SOURCES AND PUBLICATIONS

      INTRODUCTION, BY Herbert Mitgang

1    THE YOUNG LINCOLN MARCH 1832–AUGUST 1846

2    CONGRESSMAN LINCOLN AUGUST 1846–OCTOBER 1854

3    THE GREAT DEBATER OCTOBER 1854–NOVEMBER 1858

4    A NATIONAL MAN NOVEMBER 1858–MAY 1860

5    LINCOLN FOR PRESIDENT MAY 1860–MARCH 1861

      ILLUSTRATIONS

6    PRESIDENT AT WAR MARCH 1861–APRIL 1862

7    THE EMANCIPATOR APRIL 1862–JANUARY 1863

8    COMMANDER IN CHIEF JANUARY 1863–JUNE 1864

9    THE SECOND TERM JUNE 1864–APRIL 14, 1865

10  AS THEY SAW HIM APRIL 15–MAY 1865

      LIST OF SEARCHABLE TOPICS

Introduction to the 2000 Edition

Whenever I’m in Springfield to visit Lincoln’s hometown and pursue the latest discoveries about his life, family, legal career, and presidency, I head for a newsstand and pick up a copy of the Sangamo Journal and the State Register. I like to see what both Simeon Francis’s pro-Lincoln paper and what the pro-Douglas paper—which Stephen Douglas himself established—have to say. It makes for a neat political balance. The Journal spoke for the Whigs and later the Republicans, the Register for the Democrats.

Then, once again, comes a shock: I’m dreaming in the wrong century. The two independent newspapers no longer exist, except as one merged publication, the State-Journal Register, with an out-of-town ownership. Nothing unusual about that in the broad field of communications in the new century. The same can be said for other newspapers—not to mention the television networks and conglomerated book and magazine publishers—all over the United States. In Lincoln’s time, for example, New York City had ten daily newspapers; today, it has only one broadsheet, The New York Times, and a couple of warring tabloids.

In a lecture delivered to his neighbors in Springfield long before he became known nationally, Lincoln said: At length printing came. It gave ten thousand copies of any written matter quite as cheaply as ten were given before; and consequently a thousand minds were brought into the field where was but one before. This was a great gain—and history shows a great change corresponding to it—in point of time. I will venture to consider it the true termination of that period called the ‘dark ages.’

In a talk delivered in Columbus a year before his nomination, Lincoln said: Public opinion in this country is everything. He realized that voters could be convinced at that time in only two ways—by voice (as in the Lincoln-Douglas debates) and by the press. The unamplified voice and the newspapers had at least one virtue: you could not punch up the worldwide web on a computer and get a busy signal.

Before pollsters, exit polls, ghostwriters, and spinmeisters, Lincoln recognized that the free press could lead to an educated public. With some noble exceptions, news is more partisan and limited these days but without being as independent. Like McDonald’s hamburgers, some cynical journalists call the bland reports McNews. Or, if really boring, McSnooze.

Nobody could be bored reading the old Register and Journal. Early in Lincoln’s career, the Register reprimanded him for his humor, calling it assumed clownishness. In the mid-twentieth century, similar criticism was leveled against Gov. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois when he ran for president in 1952 and 1956 and was branded an egghead who talked over the heads of the people—a falsehood that insulted the intelligence of many American voters.

The Register called Lincoln the ineffable despot, who, by some inscrutable dispensation of providence, presides over the destinies of this vast republic. When Lincoln ran for a second term, the Register said, The doom of Lincoln and Black Republicanism is sealed. Corruption and the bayonet are incompetent to save them. The Journal responded by calling Charles Lanphier, the Register’s editor, the agent of Jeff Davis who presides over the Copperhead sheet in this city.

It was raw stuff but enlightening and, in retrospect, fun to read.

By a little stretch of the imagination, it’s possible to say that Lincoln was once a newspaper publisher himself. He actually owned his own newspaper briefly—a little-known chapter in his career, and one that he deliberately concealed from the public. It was the German-language Illinois Staats-Anzeiger. Under a secret contract drawn by Lincoln himself in 1859—while he was busy lining up support for the Republican nomination for president—any time that Theodore Canisius, the owner of the paper, failed to espouse the Republican line, Lincoln could reclaim its type and press. (The document of ownership gave the price as $400.) The paper, of course, was designed to convince German voters to toe the party line. Both parties to the deal held up their ends of the bargain. Before his inauguration, Lincoln sold back the paper to Canisius. Once in office, Lincoln paid off the support by naming Canisius the American consul in Vienna.

It’s interesting to note that—a century before A. J. Liebling, the New Yorker press critic, said it cynically—Lincoln was aware that freedom of the press is guaranteed only to those who own one.

So it went from city to city with the outspoken party press. The Chicago Tribune was for Lincoln; the Chicago Times against; the Cincinnati Daily Commercial was for; the Cincinnati Enquirer against. The Louisville Journal had been one of Lincoln’s favorite newspapers—He studied and paid for it when he had not money enough to dress decently, said James Quay Howard, who interviewed many of Lincoln’s old friends. The Louisville paper played it down the middle for a Kentucky boy, saying, We do not concur with him in some of his views, but there is much good in Abraham’s bosom.

Most of the secessionist papers were vitriolic about the Black Republican in the White House. But the Upper South had a newspaper in Knoxville with a memorable logotype: Brownlow’s Whig and Rebel Ventilator. It was edited by Parson Brownlow, who was a great supporter of President Lincoln and his wartime aims.

Lincoln was devoted to newspapers. With no harm done to the newsprint, he read the big city papers from all over the country before delivering them when he was the New Salem postmaster. Moreover, he served as a newspaper agent, collecting money from subscribers, a little-known fact that can be found in the Sangamo Journal of October 31, 1835. On page 1 there’s a notice from Simeon Francis dunning his subscribers. In the statewide list appears the name A. Lincoln, Esq., as the agent for New Salem. Then as now, the practice of double-dipping by an officeholder was not unheard-of.

While serving as a representative in the Illinois General Assembly, Lincoln reported the doings of the state legislature for the Sangamo Journal. That was one way to make sure the news came out right—his way. Today he would be called a stringer, writing for space rates. Did Lincoln try to manipulate the press? Not quite; he just wanted the reports to come out accurately—that is, his way. But then so did the other side in those times of a frankly partisan press.

President Lincoln did not forget his old friend from the Sangamo Journal. In 1864 Lincoln appointed Simeon Francis an Army paymaster, a job he held until 1870. From the White House, Lincoln wrote: "The Journal paper was always my friend; and, of course its editors the same."

I’m delighted to see that the State Journal-Register still carries those words today.

In this respect, I must mention that The New York Times, where I hung my hat for many years as a writer and editor, received a similar communication from President Lincoln. But I’m glad that I wasn’t around as a correspondent for The Times when Lincoln wrote to Henry J. Raymond, the New York paper’s editor-publisher, complaining about one of his reporters: What a very mad man your correspondent, Smedley, is. What does he think of a man who makes charges against another which he does not know to be true, and could easily learn to be false?

Nevertheless, on May 24, 1864, President Lincoln wrote to Secretary of War Stanton: "The Times, I believe, is always true to the Union, and therefore should be treated at least as well as any." Lincoln wrote those words as an endorsement on a letter from The Times Washington bureau, enclosing a pass to the Army of the Potomac. Stanton declined to endorse it, saying no passes would be issued unless approved by General Grant or General Meade.

No hard feelings, not with a friend in the press. A few weeks later, Raymond served as chairman of the platform committee that nominated Lincoln for a second term while, at the same time, he edited the influential New York newspaper. That kind of open partisanship would never happen today—not even for an overnight stay by a publisher in the Lincoln bedroom.

When Lincoln gave his Cooper Union talk, he composed his handwritten words so carefully that he went to the Tribune office that night to check the page proofs. (It’s too bad that a printer tossed the speech into the wastebasket afterward.) Those words sent his ideas soaring across the country. Together with the widely circulated photograph that Mathew Brady took at his studio on lower Broadway, the Cooper Union speech—so Lincoln later said—helped to make him president.

New York was home to the powerful group of editors known as the newspaper generals—Henry J. Raymond of The Times, Horace Greeley of The Tribune, William Cullen Bryant of The Post, James Gordon Bennett of The Herald. The troublemaking Democratic congressman Benjamin Wood owned the Daily News. What they all had in common was that, much to their chagrin, they were not president of the United States. That did not prevent them from telling Lincoln how to run the Army of the Potomac and the endangered Union.

The Herald led in name-calling. Of a pro-Lincoln meeting in wartime, Bennett said, It was a gathering of ghouls, vultures, hyenas, and other feeders of carrion. The great ghoul of Washington [Lincoln] authorized the meeting and the little ghouls and vultures conducted it.

The most telling communication of all was written by Lincoln himself to Greeley, whose chutzpah was unexcelled. Just before the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, Greeley wrote an open letter to Lincoln, demanding that slaves of rebels coming within Union lines be freed. We all know of Lincoln’s memorable response. But what I would like to emphasize is this: It was the finest example of his constitutionalism, political acumen, logical thinking, and, especially, his straightforward writing style: "My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. And then he concluded: I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free."

Here was the Jeffersonian Lincoln, speaking for the ages. In our textbooks, we tend to divide American history into presidential and military time frames. Yet I am always surprised when I realize that, for seventeen years, Lincoln and Jefferson were alive at the same time. It is little wonder that Lincoln’s fundamental ideas were rooted in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

In his response to Greeley, Lincoln called him an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right. Nevertheless, Lincoln trumped the Tribune editor by making sure that his answer appeared in an open reply in the Washington National Intelligencer. As he had done during his youth in Springfield, he was still using the press as a forum in Washington.

I like what Lincoln told his cabinet, behind closed doors, about Greeley in the summer of 1864: Greeley is an old shoe—good for nothing now, whatever he had been. In early life, and with few mechanics and but little means in the West, we used to make our shoes last a great while with much mending, and sometimes when far gone, we found the leather so rotten the stitches would not hold. Greeley is so rotten that nothing can be done with him. He is not truthful; the stitches all tear out.

Lincoln was what today we would call a newspaper junkie. As president, Lincoln sometimes would step outside the White House and ask a startled passerby to send the corner newsboys up the street to his front door. I like that image; it’s one of the legends that I believe is true.

As a lawyer, Lincoln knew the importance of keeping the record straight even if the newspapers were less than honest in their sensational reporting. He recognized that the newspapers were party organs, with little pretense of objectivity, yet with outspoken editors who allowed themselves fiery editorializing—in the South as well as the North. During the Lincoln-Douglas debates (I like the fact that the contestants and the press called them joint discussions rather than debates), every nuance was watched and reported.

Whenever possible, Lincoln corrected the galleys of his speeches before they were put into permanent print in the papers. The one-sided reporting of the Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Times showed in their reporting of the debates. They interjected applause and hits for their candidates.

Here are some of the headlines in the anti-Lincoln Chicago Times after the first joint discussion in Ottawa:

LINCOLN BREAKS DOWN

LINCOLN’S HEART FAILS HIM!

LINCOLN’S LEGS FAIL HIM!

LINCOLN’S ARMS FAIL HIM!

LINCOLN FAILS ALL OVER!!

THE PEOPLE REFUSE TO SUPPORT HIM!

THE PEOPLE LAUGH AT HIM!

DOUGLAS THE CHAMPION OF THE PEOPLE!

DOUGLAS SKINS THE LIVING DOG

The air of hostility hanging over the debates and the phonographic (that is, shorthand) reporters who covered it brought outcries from Lincoln’s friends. The Chicago Times blamed its fake reporting on the fact that Lincoln cannot speak five grammatical sentences in succession.

How did Lincoln handle the partisan press? Before the senatorial contest and presidential nomination, Lincoln sent many confidential communications to newspaper editors to make sure that his views were represented accurately.

It was not calling the president a lunatic and warmonger that got certain Northern newspapers into trouble but, instead, what the Union generals considered a fifth column—a stab in the back of their own lines by certain newspapers. The Crisis, a Democratic paper in Columbus, called Lincoln a half-witted usurper. Other Copperhead papers branded him a monster, but they were not suppressed, although individual generals made an effort to censor them.

Lincoln explained his attitude toward such personal attacks in a communication in the middle of the war, when victory was not at all certain, to Gen. John M. Schofield:

You will only arrest individuals, and suppress assemblies, or newspapers, when they may be working palpable injury to the Military in your charge, and in no other case will you interfere with the expression of opinion in any form, or allow it to be interfered with violently by others.

In this, you have a discretion to exercise with great caution, calmness, and forbearance.

Actually, Lincoln himself ordered the suspension of only one newspaper—The New York World. He did so not because it was the leader of the radical opposition to his conduct of the presidency but because it ran an inflammatory faked proclamation in his name. The World was ruled by Mayor Fernando Wood of New York and August Belmont, an influential banker, who is better known to daily-double fans today for the racetrack bearing his name. Its editor-in-chief was Manton Marble, who was described by other journalists as a mercenary scribbler, who has no scruple in admitting that he wrote for pay, and for the party that pays the most.

The heart of the fake proclamation called for a day of fasting and prayer and for a draft of 400,000 men into the Army. The proclamation sounded like a Copperhead plot to set off a new draft riot in New York. It bore the signature of President Lincoln and Secretary of State Seward. The fake set off alarm bells in Washington and among the troops in the field when its falsity was revealed. In his constitutional role as commander in chief, Lincoln then ordered Gen. John A. Dix, who commanded the Army of the East, to shut down The World and the Journal of Commerce, which had also run the fake proclamation.

Lincoln gave these reasons:

Whereas there has been wickedly and traitorously printed and published…a false and spurious proclamation purporting to be signed by the President and to be countersigned by the Secretary of State, which publication is of a treasonable nature, designed to give aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States and to the rebels now at war against the government and their aiders and abettors, you are therefore commanded forthwith to arrest and imprison the editors, proprietors and publishers of the aforesaid newspapers…and you will hold the persons so arrested in close custody until they can be brought to trial before a military commission for their offense. You will also take possession by military force of the printing establishment of The New York World and Journal of Commerce and prohibit any further publication.

Several days after the arrests of the two newspapermen who had written the fake proclamation, the War Department allowed the newspapers to resume publishing.

Far more controversial, of course, was Lincoln’s suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and his exercise of martial law. Actually, he was on stronger grounds in suspending the writ because the Union was dealing with an insurrection, and as Lincoln said, he was obliged to see that the laws were faithfully executed. Against this reasoning for the writ stood the First Amendment as a bulwark for the press. Ever the constitutionalist, Lincoln was not suspending newspaper opinions; he was suspending treasonous acts.

As president, Lincoln sent letters to journalists that were usually friendly but sometimes brutally frank. To Bennett of the New York Herald, he wrote: "The Administration will not discriminate against the Herald, especially while it sustains us so generously, and the cause of the country as ably as it has been doing." But a different tone was reserved for Nathaniel Paschall, editor of the Missouri Republican, who received this private and confidential letter—filled with more Lincolnian honey than vinegar: Please pardon me for suggesting that if the papers, like yours, which heretofore have persistently garbled, and misrepresented what I have said, will now fully and fairly place it before their readers, there can be no further misunderstanding. I beg you to believe me sincere when I declare that I do not say this in a spirit of complaint or resentment; but that I urge it as the true cure for any real uneasiness in the country.

I believe that there are perils for historians and journalists today who try to draw exact parallels between Lincoln’s time and ours. We must always remember that there was a war on; at first, enemy artillery was almost within reach of the capital. Lincoln was not exaggerating when he bid farewell to his Springfield neighbors at the railway station before going to Washington, never to return alive, that he faced a task greater than that which rested upon Washington.

When he was criticized for not caving in to the enemy within, Commander in Chief Lincoln said, I think the time is not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than too many.

Of all the American journalists covering the war and White House, one stood out as the favorite of President and Mary Lincoln. He was Noah Brooks, a California newspaperman for the Sacramento Union. He used a pseudonym—Castine—after the name of his hometown in Maine. Brooks saw the president several times a week; he was destined to become one of his secretaries.

Lincoln once told Brooks: You speak of Lincoln stories. I don’t think that is the correct phrase. I don’t make the stories mine by telling them. I am only a retail dealer.

Of the foreign correspondents who covered Lincoln, one stood out as a keen observer who went against the hostile views of the powerful London Times. He was Edward Dicey, a young British writer for The Spectator and Macmillan’s magazine. This is how he reported Lincoln after a visit: Lincoln spoke but little, and seemed to prefer others talking to him instead. But when he did speak, his remarks were shrewd and sensible. Although in his badly fitting suit of black, he did not have the appearance of a gentleman, still there is about him something more important, a complete absence of pretension, and an evident desire to be courteous to everybody, which is the essence, if not the outward form of high breeding.

After the assassination, Dicey wrote an article summing up Lincoln’s greatness: I do not believe the late president was a man of genius. His record is grand and noble enough without our needing to attribute to him qualities he did not possess. His name will, if I mistake not, be cherished by the American people. History, I think, will say that our own days produced a yet nobler representative of American courage, and honesty, and self-sacrifice, in the person of Abraham Lincoln.

HERBERT MITGANG

Sources

and Publications

The original sources of this material are derived from newspaper morgues, public and private libraries, historical societies, and university collections from Maine to California. In Castine, Maine, for example, I spoke to friends and examined the papers of Noah Brooks, who was Lincoln’s favorite Washington correspondent (and has the final article in this book). Many librarians in towns small and large cooperated cheerfully; they are our overlooked scholars.

The Illinois State Historical Library and the New York Public Library’s various departments and rooms were major sources. The new interpretations here are mine, of course. They are based in part on three visits I made to the Illinois prairie country, going over lands Lincoln surveyed, sitting in old courthouses where he practiced, studying original sites where he debated. James T. Hickey, curator of the Lincoln collection at the State Historical Library, and Max Goodsill of Knox College, Galesburg, guided me in these areas. James N. Adams, in charge of the library’s newspaper room, made possible parts of the early chapters of this book because of his meticulous indexing of the Springfield press. The late state historian Harry E. Pratt, Marion D. Pratt, and Margaret A. Flint all helped. A study of the bulletins from the present state historian, Clyde Walton, was enlightening.

The New York Public Library’s newspaper annex, now in the West Forties near the Hudson River, was an indispensable source of original and microfilmed material. It was then located in mid-Manhattan’s sewing-machine district, of all places. But Lincoln is where you find him. The newspaper annex is a curious place frequented by seedy historians and scholarly horse-players who show up before the daily double to study the back numbers of racing’s Morning Telegraph. Perhaps the historian-horse-player combination is not so curious at that. There is a kinship between them: both chart past performances in order to handicap the present.

Scores of other libraries contributed hints, leads, and publications—too many to list for proper credit. The major large-city newspapers that published during Lincoln’s time are fairly good sources of comment on their own friendship with Lincoln, usually only a little exaggerated. Scholars pursuing particular details about an event or a person mentioned are advised to try newspapers (if in existence) or state historical libraries. The best sources of information in the Lincoln field are the Library of Congress, the Illinois State Historical Library, the Chicago Historical Society, and the New York Public Library. Several other libraries of Americana as represented in the press are particularly strong on the mid-nineteenth century.

I pay special tribute to the memory of Carl Sandburg. During long talks and walks in Springfield, Galesburg, Gettysburg, New York City, and Flat Rock, North Carolina, he enriched his own great Lincoln biography for me with comments about Lincoln’s complex velvet and steel nature—and generously shared his own instincts about life with a groping scholar and newspaperman. And finally, I acknowledge the devoted aid of my wife, Shirley Mitgang, in preparing and shaping the scattered material for book publication.

The following newspapers and magazines have at least one entry and sometimes (the New York Tribune and Springfield Journal) more than twenty-five. They are listed here to indicate the range of opinion in this press biography and to guide scholars in exploring the publications of Lincoln’s time.

NEWSPAPERS

California: Daily Alta California, San Francisco.

Connecticut: Hartford Press; Norwich Courier.

Illinois: Sangamo Journal and Illinois Journal; Illinois State Register; Chicago Tribune; Chicago Times; Chicago Press; Chicago Journal; Alton Telegraph; Illinois Gazette; Rockford Forum; Belleville Advocate; Peoria Transcript; Peoria Democrat Press; Quincy Whig; Danville Sun; Fulton Telegraph; Galesburg Democrat; Menard Index.

Indiana: Evansville Journal.

Kansas: Palermo Leader; Lawrence Republican.

Kentucky: Paris Citizen; Frankfort Commonwealth; Louisville Journal.

Louisiana: New Orleans Delta; New Orleans Bee; Daily Picayune.

Maine: Bangor Democrat.

Maryland: Baltimore American; Kent News; The South; Baltimore Patriot.

Massachusetts: Boston Daily Advertiser; Lowell Journal; Boston Atlas; Boston Journal.

Missouri: St. Louis New Era; St. Louis Democrat; St. Louis Republican.

New York: New-York Times; New York Tribune; New York Herald; New York World; New York Daybook; New York News; New York Post; Abend Zeitung.

Ohio: Cincinnati Commercial; Cincinnati Enquirer; Columbus Crisis.

Pennsylvania: Reading Journal; Lancaster Herald; Chester County Times; Philadelphia Journal.

South Carolina: Charleston Mercury.

Tennessee: Brownlow’s Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator.

Texas: Houston Telegraph; Dallas Herald.

Virginia: Richmond Whig; Richmond Dispatch; Richmond Sentinel; Southern Illustrated News; Petersburg Express.

Washington, D.C.: National Intelligencer; Daily Chronicle.

Wisconsin: Galesville Transcript.

England: London Critic; London Times; Punch; Spectator; Morning Post.

France: La Patrie; Le Siècle.

Italy: Gazetta di Firenze; Milan Perseverance.

MAGAZINES

Atlantic Monthly; Harper’s Weekly; Harper’s Monthly; Home Journal; Littell’s Living Age; Vanity Fair; Watchman & Reflector.

Introduction

Abraham Lincoln entered public life nearly a century and a half ago—long before the selling of cosmeticized Presidents in televised packages—when the force of a man’s mind and the power of his lungs still counted.

The story of Lincoln’s life can be newly discovered in the raw language of the newspapers and broadsides that reported his personal growth and career. The press of his time was a direct, unpolled reflection of the shades and fervor of clashing public ideologies. In taking the measure of a man and his philosophy, one can always apply modern yardsticks and meanings. The scholar, however, finds authenticity refreshing and turns to original sources and contemporary documents.

In recent years, Lincoln’s life has been reinterpreted many times for political purposes; much chicken in Republican box lunches has been larded with fat-cat credos that Lincoln himself would have found hard to swallow. He has been updated continuously, with interpretations as far removed from his principles as those attributed to him by the Copperhead and fire-eating Southern publications during his years as the sixteenth President. The most outrageous distortions of all have claimed that Lincoln was really a racist who favored slavery. It is essential, therefore, to examine not simply a sentence here and there, or a campaign speech, but the long, straight line of his life as he lived it—and as it was revealed by the press to the American people.

Please pardon me for suggesting that if the papers, like yours, which heretofore have persistently garbled and misrepresented what I have said, will now fully and fairly place it before their readers, there can be no further misunderstanding, Lincoln wrote to the editor of the Missouri Republican.

From his first days in New Salem, Lincoln was aware of the press as a forum for aiding or misrepresenting a candidate’s cause. As a young postmaster he read the newspapers from different parts of the country that came to his surprisingly well-educated, even sophisticated Illinois village. He relied on reporters, editors, and publishers throughout his political journey. Often, to make or refute a point, he took quill in hand and wrote a letter to the editor. Perhaps his most telling statement of policy during the Civil War appeared in the form of A Letter from the President, dated August 22, 1862. Though addressed to Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune, it was planted in the Washington National Intelligencer. The letter was picked up by all newspapers, North and South, read for its nuances, pondered. It included these telling words about the Lincoln administration’s wartime priorities and the President’s personal inclinations:

"I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution.… If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.… I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free."

Next to his own, the words which help to illuminate Lincoln for the latest generation are those written by reportorial and editorial opinion-makers. The journals of his time, with few second thoughts or concessions to propriety, presented history in the rough. Their reports of what Lincoln said and how he acted supplemented what he actually did at high moments of his inscribed life. The editorial comments—advice and contempt, petulance and acrimony—are among the most violent bestowed upon an American President in peace and war. In this book no attempt is made to conceal nugatory reports or slanderous opinions. The words are set forth undiluted, as they appeared then and were read by, among others, Mr. Lincoln himself.

When he was a representative in the Illinois General Assembly in the 1830’s, Lincoln personally reported the doings of the legislature for the Sangamo Journal, Springfield’s Whig paper. He had worked for the newspaper as an agent, signing up subscribers; often he hung around the newspaper shop. Sometimes, just for the hell of it, Lincoln wrote letters to the editor under assumed names. One such letter brought Lincoln to duel-point with a gentleman he ridiculed. This serio-comic incident in 1842, when the youthful legislator was unmarried, is reported in detail here for the first time, as he and his friends and neighbors read of it in the local papers. Asked about the weapons that might be used in the near-challenge, Lincoln suggested, How about cow dung at five paces? Later, seeking higher office, he preferred to forget the whole thing—the silliest incident in his life.

As a rising politician on the prairie, Lincoln made the newspaper his stump. For newspapers in those days, far more than today, were news themselves. At length printing came. It gave ten thousand copies of any written matter quite as cheaply as ten were given before; and consequently a thousand minds were brought into the field where was but one before. This was a great gain—and history shows a great change corresponding to it—in point of time. I will venture to consider it the true termination of that period called the Dark Ages. So Lincoln spoke in a lecture on Washington’s Birthday, 1859, in recognition of the crucial role played by the emerging press of the period. A year before, at the time of his debates with Douglas up and down Illinois, he had carefully corrected the galleys of his speeches printed in the press, preparing them for permanent publication.

The bigwigs of the press and of politics in Lincoln’s time were often one and the same. In New York alone, Henry J. Raymond was not only editor of the New-York Times; he was also lieutenant governor of the state, a key figure at conventions, and the chairman of the Republican National Committee during Lincoln’s reelection campaign in 1864. Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune sized up Lincoln in 1847 as a representative in the Thirtieth Congress, and served as a major force when the Republican party was created in 1856, the year Lincoln received a solid preliminary vote for the vice-presidential nomination on the Fremont ticket. William Cullen Bryant of the New York Evening Post was a poet and important editorial voice. The troublemaking Democratic Congressman Benjamin Wood owned the Daily News in New York. In the South, R. B. Rhett, Jr., editor of the Charleston Mercury, was a prime example of a politician who used the press as his platform. It was Rhett’s father, with the Mercury as his cutting weapon, who led the voices for secession.

The story of Lincoln’s life as told through the eyes of the contemporary press properly begins in Springfield. "The Journal paper was always my friend; and, of course its editors the same." With these words in 1864 Lincoln showed his friendship for the Springfield Sangamo Journal (later the Illinois Journal), his home-town supporter. Here in 1832 Lincoln first announced his candidacy for the Illinois Assembly—the first time he was seen and heard by the reading public. When Lincoln went off to the Black Hawk Indian War in 1832, the paper pointed out that he was on active service. Consistently, to the end of his life, the Journal reported favorably on Lincoln’s fortunes—sometimes with an assist from Lincoln himself in the communications column.

At the same time the Democratic newspaper in Springfield, the Illinois State Register, took Lincoln to task throughout his career. The Register declared that Lincoln was a joker instead of a thinker and not to be taken seriously; this claim was made often in the western press. The Register chided Lincoln for what it called his assumed clownishness—and the criticism was taken to heart. In the course of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, the Register and the Journal lined up behind their own party men. Applause and three-times-three hurrahs depended on which paper one read.

So with the other cities. The Chicago Tribune was for Lincoln, the Chicago Times against him; the Cincinnati Daily Commercial for, the Cincinnati Enquirer against. Whenever possible, comments from both sides are given in this book, which includes publications, both Union and Confederate, from twenty states and the District of Columbia.

Most Southern newspapers were vitriolic during the war, but there were indications from time to time that the maligned Black Republican in the White House was on the South’s conscience. Before the elections the Louisville Journal played it down the middle for a Kentucky boy: Several papers in the Northwest are strongly recommending the Hon. Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency. We do not concur with him in some of his views, but there is much good in Abraham’s bosom. The Kentucky newspaper had been one of Lincoln’s favorites; he subscribed to it when, according to friends, he did not have enough money to dress decently. Journalism was outspoken and individual in all sections of the country. The remarkable logotype of Parson Brownlow’s paper in Knoxville said it plainly: Brownlow’s Whig and Rebel Ventilator.

Papers in the Far West and Southwest covered the war almost as closely. The Sacramento Union, powerful in California, was lucky to have one of the best Washington correspondents, Noah Brooks, whose pen name, Castine, came from his Maine birthplace. Brooks wrote a colorful series of letters sympathetic to the Union cause and to Lincoln, who offered him the post of private secretary a few months before the assassination. The most shocking lines after that event appeared in the Tri-Weekly Telegraph, Houston: From now until God’s judgment day, the minds of men will not cease to thrill at the killing of Abraham Lincoln.

Magazines and literary periodicals, especially those centered in Boston, stimulated the abolitionist movement. Among those represented here is the Atlantic Monthly, a magazine of Literature, Art, and Politics, from which came Ralph Waldo Emerson’s estimate of the Emancipation Proclamation. Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe’s appraisal of Lincoln is reprinted from that pocket-sized periodical Littell’s Living Age, which appealed to many female readers. Harper’s Monthly and Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, Vanity Fair and the Southern Illustrated News of Richmond, among other publications, reported and sometimes distorted the progress of the war as well as the wartime President.

At the time of our Second American Revolution, Europe had its troubles too. England shook in the aftermath of the Crimean War; in France the Second Republic devolved into the Second Empire; Garibaldi and his Thousand ran through the streets of Palermo to resurrect and unify Italy. The haughty attitude of The Times of London was copied and reprinted on the continent; vicious anti-Lincoln cartoons in Punch by John Tenniel (who later repented and illustrated Alice in Wonderland) were touched up and reprinted in the Confederate publications. By contrast, Edward Dicey, an astute English writer for The Spectator and Macmillan’s magazine, observed Washington, the Northern states, Congress, and Lincoln sympathetically. History will say that our own days, Dicey wrote, produced a yet nobler representative of American courage, and honesty, and self-sacrifice in the person of Abraham Lincoln.

What is intended in this book is an illumination from unretouched facts, crude ideas, words, and interpretations in the original on the theory that the closer one gets to firsthand reports the truer will emerge the Lincoln personality and the forces around him. There are no changes in the material, no summaries or digests. Some extraneous and repetitive matter (often caused by exigencies of narrow news columns) has been omitted. The typographical style has not been tampered with, which accounts for some of the peculiar punctuation but also helps to retain the flavor of American journalism and the more polished prose of British publications in the middle of the last century.

Against the background of these reports and opinions, the Lincoln disclosed by a hundred publications opened anew here—by friendly contemporaries and virulent enemies in the North, South, and in Europe—is all the more impressive. He is a human Lincoln, capable of steadfast principle yet compromise, of underlying morality yet compassion. The character of Lincoln emerges as the greatest single gain of the Civil War—and a symbol of decency and conscience for Americans today.

HERBERT MITGANG

Chapter 1

The Young Lincoln

MARCH 1832–AUGUST 1846

Leaving his boyhood behind him in Kentucky and Indiana, the young Lincoln arrived in New Salem, Sangamon County, Illinois, in the summer of 1831. He was twenty-two. Prophetically, an election was going on and because he could make a few rabbit tracks with the pen, he became voting clerk. Less than a year later, he was in politics.

A self-announced candidate for election to the State Legislature, he had declared himself and then volunteered in the militia for the Black Hawk Indian uprising. His unit was officially designated Captain Abraham Lincoln’s Company of the First Regiment of the Brigade of Mounted Volunteers. He won military election as a company leader; after his military discharge as a private (his own company had disbanded and he had re-enlisted), he returned to New Salem to face the voters. Running as a Whig in a Democratic-dominated state, he was defeated. However, he received almost a unanimous vote in his own precinct of New Salem, 227 votes against 3.

Lincoln revealed himself—and was so seen by the public, who were to judge him many times later—for the first time in the Sangamo Journal, Springfield. From its first issue on Nov. 10, 1831, the editors spoke for the Whigs and became close personal and political friends of Lincoln. The Journal was published every Thursday evening, office in the new brick building, fronting on the Public Square, north-west of the Court House, Up Stairs. Here Lincoln came to converse with the editor, Simeon Francis, who ran a big slogan on his little paper: Not the glory of Caesar, but the Welfare of Rome. The Sangamo Journal (so called after the river and county of Sangamon) later became the Illinois Journal. It remained Lincoln’s home-town paper and forum all through his political youth and maturity.

When Lincoln ran for his first office, in a typical issue of the early 1830’s he could read such stories in the Springfield paper as An Adventure in the South Seas, reprinted from Blackwood’s Magazine; a reminiscing article on the Battle of Waterloo called The Fate of Ney; a news report on the cholera epidemic in Paris, many local notices and frontier stories—this being the West—on Indian massacres in Illinois.

Lincoln’s announcement for office made a point of improving the navigation on the Sangamon. Springfield and the county were thinking in terms of commerce. In the early months of 1832 the small steamer Talisman had made its way up the Sangamon and the excitement it caused was on the mind of the electorate.

And so on page 2, columns three and four, of the Sangamo Journal for March 15, 1832, form New Salem there was a communication from a newcomer, Your friend and fellow-citizen, A. LINCOLN.

COMMUNICATION

To the People of Sangamo County

FELLOW CITIZENS: Having become a candidate for the honorable office of one of your representatives in the next General Assembly of this state, in accordance with an established custom, and the principles of true republicanism, it becomes my duty to make known to you—the people whom I propose to represent—my sentiments with regard to local affairs.

Time and experience have verified to a demonstration, the public utility of internal improvements. That the poorest and most thinly populated countries would be greatly benefitted by the opening of good roads, and in the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person will deny. But yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind, without first knowing that we are able to finish them—as half finished work generally proves to be labor lost. There cannot justly be any objection to having rail roads and canals, any more than to other good things, provided they cost nothing. The only objection is to paying for them; and the objection to paying arises from the want of ability to pay.

With respect to the county of Sangamo, some more easy means of communication than we now possess, for the purpose of facilitating the task of exporting the surplus products of its fertile soil, and importing necessary articles from abroad, are indispensably necessary. A meeting has been held of the citizens of Jacksonville, and the adjacent country, for the purpose of deliberating and enquiring into the expediency of constructing a rail road from some eligible point on the Illinois River, through the town of Jacksonville, in Morgan county, to the town of Springfield, in Sangamo county. This is, indeed, a very desirable object. No other improvement that reason will justify us in hoping for, can equal in utility the rail road. It is a never failing source of communication, between places of business remotely situated from each other. Upon the rail road the regular progress of commercial intercourse is not interrupted by either high or low water, or freezing weather, which are the principal difficulties that render our future hopes of water communication precarious and uncertain. Yet, however, desirable an object the construction of a rail road through our country may be; however high our imaginations may be heated at thoughts of it—there is always a heart appalling shock accompanying the account of its cost, which forces us to shrink from our pleasing anticipations. The probable cost of this contemplated rail road is estimated at $290,000;—the bare statement of which, in my opinion, is sufficient to justify the belief, that the improvement of Sangamo river is an object much better suited to our infant resources.

Respecting this view, I think I may say, without the fear of being contradicted, that its navigation may be rendered completely practicable, as high as the mouth of the South Fork, or probably higher, to vessels of from 25 to 30 tons burthen, for at least one half of all common years, and to vessels of much greater burthen a part of that time. From my peculiar circumstances, it is probable that for the last twelve months I have given as particular attention to the stage of the water in this river, as any other person in the country. In the month of March, 1831, in company with others, I commenced the building of a flat boat on the Sangamo, and finished and took her out in the course of the spring. Since that time, I have been concerned in the mill at New Salem. These circumstances are sufficient evidence, that I have not been very inattentive to the stages of the water.—The time at which we crossed the mill dam, being in the last days of April, the water was lower than it had been since the breaking of winter in February, or than it was for several weeks after. The principal difficulties we encountered in descending the river, were from the drifted timber, which obstructions all know is not difficult to be removed. Knowing almost precisely the height of water at that time, I believe I am safe in saying that it has as often been higher as lower since.

From this view of the subject, it appears that my calculations with regard to the navigation of the Sangamo, cannot be unfounded in reason; but whatever may be its natural advantages, certain it is, that it never can be practically useful to any great extent, without being greatly improved by art. The drifted timber, as I have before mentioned, is the most formidable barrier to this object. Of all parts of this river, none will require so much labor in proportion, to make it navigable, as the last thirty or thirty-five miles; and going with the meanderings of the channel, when we are this distance above its mouth, we are only between twelve and eighteen miles above Beardstown, in something near a straight direction; and this route is upon such low ground as to retain water in many places during the season, and in all parts such as to draw two-thirds or three-fourths of the river water at all high stages.

This route is upon prairie land the whole distance;—so that it appears to me, by removing the turf, a sufficient width and damming up the old channel, the whole river in a short time would wash its way through, thereby curtailing the distance, and increasing the velocity of the current very considerably, while there would be no timber upon the banks to obstruct its navigation in future; and being nearly straight, the timber which might float in at the head, would be apt to go clear through. There are also many places above this where the river, in its zig zag course, forms such complete peninsulas, as to be easier cut through at the necks than to remove the obstructions from the bends—which if done, would also lessen the distance.

What the cost of this work would be, I am unable to say. It is probable, however, it would not be greater than is common to streams of the same length. Finally, I believe the improvement of the Sangamo river, to be vastly important and highly desirable to the people of this county; and if elected, any measure in the legislature having this for its object, which may appear judicious, will meet my approbation, and shall receive my support.

It appears that the practice of loaning money at exorbitant rates of interest, has already been opened as a field for discussion; so I suppose I may enter upon it without claiming the honor, or risking the danger, which may await its first explorer. It seems as though we are never to have an end to this baneful and corroding system, acting almost as prejudicial to the general interests of the community as a direct tax of several thousand dollars annually laid on each county, for the benefit of a few individuals only, unless there be a law made setting a limit to the rates of usury. A law for this purpose, I am of opinion, may be made, without materially injuring any class of people. In cases of extreme necessity there could always be means found to cheat the law, while in all other cases it would have its intended effect. I would not favor the passage of a law upon this subject, which might be very easily evaded. Let it be such that the labor and difficulty of evading it, could only be justified in cases of the greatest necessity.

Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least, a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves. For my part, I desire to see the time when education, and by its means, morality, sobriety, enterprise and industry, shall become much more general than at present, and should be gratified to have it in my power to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might have a tendency to accelerate the happy period.

With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws—the law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some others, are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. But considering the great probability that the framers of those laws were wiser than myself, I should prefer meddling with them, unless they were first attacked by others, in which case I should feel it both a privilege and a duty to take that stand, which in my view, might tend most to the advancement of justice.

But, Fellow-Citizens, I shall conclude.—Considering the great degree of modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which I have treated, I have spoken as I thought. I may be wrong in regard to any or all of them; but holding it a sound maxim, that it is better to be only sometimes right, than at all times wrong, so soon as I discover my opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them.

Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not, I can say for one that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition, is yet to be developed. I am young and unknown to many of you. I was born and have ever remained in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or popular relations to recommend me. My case is thrown exclusively upon the independent voters of this county, and if elected they will have conferred a favor upon me, for which I shall be unremitting in my labors to compensate. But if the good people in their wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the back ground, I have been too familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined.

Your friend and fellow-citizen,

A. LINCOLN.

New Salem, March 9, 1832.

Lincoln, after serving as postmaster of New Salem, by virtue of his good local showing in 1832 ran again for the General Assembly in 1834. This time he made it. After his term was over, he did surveying and continued his studies in the law. Then in 1836 he stood for re-election as a Representative. The talk at the time was of free Negroes voting and the white man’s franchise regardless of property. It was, too, a year of a Presidential election. The Hugh L. White referred to in Lincoln’s communication was a Whig aspirant from Tennessee. Lincoln and the Whigs won the county—though Martin Van Buren, the Democratic candidate, won nationally—in the election referred to in this letter to the Sangamo Journal, June 18, 1836.

NEW SALEM, June 13, 1836.

To the Editor of the Journal:

In your paper of last Saturday, I see a communication over the signature of Many Voters, in which the candidates who are announced in the Journal, are called upon to show their hands. Agreed. Here’s mine!

I go for all sharing the privileges of the government, who assist in bearing its burthens. Consequently I go for admitting all whites to the right of suffrage, who pay taxes or bear arms, (by no means excluding females.)

If elected, I shall consider the whole people of Sangamon my constituents, as well those that oppose, as those that support me.

While acting as their representative, I shall be governed by their will, on all subjects upon which I have the means of knowing what their will is; and upon all others, I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best advance their interests. Whether elected or not, I go for distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the several states, to enable our state, in common with others, to dig canals and construct rail roads, without borrowing money and paying interest on it.

If alive on the first Monday in November, I shall vote for Hugh L. White for President. Very respectfully,

A. LINCOLN.

In the pre-election heat of the combined local and national campaign of 1836, Lincoln was out on the stump. He spoke in Springfield, canvassing with Democrats, and after the speech referred to here, reportedly was carried on his friends’ shoulders from the courthouse. A gentleman signing himself Up to the Hub, of obvious Whig persuasion, was carried away in another manner when he heard Lincoln speak. A girl might be born and become a mother before the Van Buren men will forget Mr. Lincoln, said Hub in a memorable expression at the end of his letter to the Sangamo Journal of July 16, 1836.

To the Editor of the Journal:

As an accidental visitor at the Court House on Monday last, I take the liberty of making a few comments,

When I entered, Mr. [Ninian W.] Edwards had just risen. The force of his argument, substantiated as it was by the evidence before him, which he occasionally quoted to the people, exhibited to them the course pursued by Mr. Van Buren, so far as the course of this trackless candidate can be traced. He disclaimed any intention of raising up the demon of party spirit among us, but since the attack had come from the opposite party, accusing him and his party of being White, nay federal candidates, he took the liberty of showing that he was not a federalist, and succeeded to the satisfaction of all present. The deep earnestness of Mr. Edward’s manner, which truth and conscious rectitude in the cause he supports never fails to inspire, when promulgating doctrines that cannot be refuted, coming as they did from an honest heart, had a most powerful effect upon honest men.

Dr. Early followed Mr. Edwards. This gentleman, accustomed to hold out promises to the dying, attempted to sustain his sinking and dying cause, by pronouncing all that Mr. Edwards had said, false. The doctor seemed to be aware that broad assertions would not do for an enlightened people, against positive proof. He then attempted to direct the attention of the people from the main question by stating, that one of the principal writers on the question of free negro suffrage, here, would sooner see his daughter married to a negro than a poor white man. A Johnson or Anti-Van Buren man might prefer such an alliance, but it will not answer to tell such a story to the people of Illinois, who are as free as the breezes that blow over our prairies. No, he may tell it to them—he may scatter it far and wide from the pulpit and the stump, and they will not believe him. It will only recoil upon him whose head was so ingenious and whose heart was so base as to fabricate such a story. Towards the close of Dr. E’s. speech, I left the Court House.…

Next came Mr. Calhoun. He was more honest than the doctor, and admitted that Van Buren had voted to extend the right of suffrage to free negroes—and attempted to excuse him because Gen. Jackson had done the same—a truth untold in history and unheard of in song or story, and begged the people to forgive Van Buren because Jackson had erred.—As well might Mr. Calhoun oppose his bare assertion to the written history of our country as to say, that he who is about to retire to the Hermitage, covered with civil and military honors, having filled the measure of his country’s glory, did not oppose his bare breast to a British foe, as to make the people believe, upon his assertion, unsupported by history, that Gen. Jackson voted to extend the right of suffrage to free negroes. Knowing Mr. Calhoun to have been heretofore bitterly opposed to Gen. Jackson—having never voted for him—I was not surprised that such a charge should come from him. I am aware that Gen. Jackson may have committed errors—that is the lot of all mortals—but I cannot listen with patience when I hear him charged with more than erring nature is heir to.

Does not the blood of every former supporter of Jackson boil, when he hears the fair fame of the old hero tarnished! And for what? To support the sinking cause of Martin Van Buren!…

Mr. Lincoln succeeded Mr. Calhoun. At first he appeared embarrassed, and his air was such as modest merit always lends to one who speaks of his own acts. He claimed only so much credit as belonged to one of the members of the last Legislature, for getting the State out of debt. He next came to Mr. Calhoun and the land bill. At one fell stroke, he broke the ice upon which we have seen Mr. Calhoun standing, and left him to contend with the chilling waters and merciless waves. His speech became more fluent, and his manner more easy as he progressed. In these degenerate days it seems to be the fashion of the day for all parties to admire even the frailties of the administration. The Van Buren men, particularly, are even taking shelter