God and the State
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Reviews for God and the State
85 ratings3 reviews
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5An excellent and informative book for anyone with interest government. One does not have to be an anarchist in order to appreciate much of what is said here.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5I quote from this book often. Bakunin is amazing.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Perfect. Very informative read with alot of truths about the world
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God and the State - Michael Bakunin
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Table of Contents
DOVER BOOKS ON HISTORY, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE
Copyright Page
Title Page
INTRODUCTION TO THE DOVER EDITION
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING
PREFACE TO FIRST FRENCH EDITION
GOD AND THE STATE
INDEX OF PERSONS
INTRODUCTION TO THE DOVER EDITION
This man was born not under an ordinary star but under a comet.
—ALEXANDER HERZEN
It was nearly a century ago that Michael Bakunin wrote what was to become his most celebrated pamphlet, God and the State. At that time, anarchism was emerging as a major force within the revolutionary movement, and the name of Bakunin, its foremost champion and prophet, was as well known among the workers and radical intellectuals of Europe as that of Karl Marx, with whom he was competing for leadership of the First International.
In contrast to Marx, Bakunin had won his reputation chiefly as an activist rather than a theorist of rebellion. He was born into the Russian landed gentry in 1814, but as a young man abandoned his army commission and noble heritage for a career as a professional revolutionist. Leaving Russia in 1840, at the age of twenty-six, he dedicated his life to a struggle against tyranny in all its forms. He was not one to sit in libraries, studying and writing about predetermined revolutions. Impatient for action, he threw himself into the uprisings of 1848 with irrepressible exuberance, a Promethean figure moving with the tide of revolt from Paris to the barricades of Austria and Germany. Men like Bakunin, a companion remarked, grow in a hurricane and ripen better in stormy weather than in sunshine.
¹ But his arrest during the Dresden insurrection of 1849 cut short his feverish revolutionary activity. He spent the next eight years in prison, six of them in the darkest dungeons of tsarist Russia, and when he emerged, his sentence commuted to a life term of Siberian exile, he was toothless from scurvy and his health seriously impaired. In 1861, however, he escaped his warders and embarked upon a sensational odyssey that encircled the globe and made his name a legend and an object of worship in radical groups all over Europe.
As a romantic rebel and an active force in history, Bakunin exerted a personal attraction that Marx could never rival. Everything about him was colossal,
recalled the composer Richard Wagner, a fellow participant in the Dresden uprising, and he was full of a primitive exuberance and strength.
² Bakunin’s love for the fantastic, for unusual, unheard-of adventures, which open up vast horizons, the end of which cannot be foreseen,
to quote his own words, inspired extravagant dreams in others, and by the time of his death in 1876 he had won a unique place among the adventurers and martyrs of the revolutionary tradition. His broad magnanimity and childlike enthusiasm, his burning passion for liberty and equality, his volcanic onslaughts against privilege and injustice—all this gave him enormous human appeal in the libertarian circles of his day.
But Bakunin, as his critics never tired of pointing out, was not a systematic thinker. Nor did he ever claim to be. For he considered himself a revolutionist of the deed, not a philosopher and not an inventor of systems, like Marx.
³ He refused to recognize the existence of any preconceived or preordained laws of history. He rejected the view that social change depends upon the gradual unfolding of objective
historical conditions. He believed, on the contrary, that men shape their own destinies, that their lives cannot be squeezed into a Procrustean bed of abstract sociological formulas. No theory, no ready-made system, no book that has ever been written will save the world,
Bakunin declared. I cleave to no system, I am a true seeker.
⁴ By teaching the workers theories, he said, Marx would only succeed in stifling the revolutionary fervor every man already possesses—the impulse to liberty, the passion for equality, the holy instinct of revolt.
Unlike Marx’s scientific
socialism, his own socialism, Bakunin asserted, was purely instinctive.
⁵
Bakunin’s influence, then, as Peter Kropotkin remarked, was primarily that of a moral personality
rather than of an intellectual authority. Although he wrote prodigiously, he did not leave a single finished book to posterity. He was forever starting new works which, owing to his turbulent existence, were broken off in mid-course and never completed. His literary output, in Thomas Masaryk’s description, was a patchwork of fragments.
And yet, however erratic and unmethodical, his writings abound in flashes of insight that illuminate some of the most important social questions of his time—and of ours.
God and the State is an excellent case in point. It is disjointed, repetitious, poorly organized, and full of digressions and long footnotes that tend to soften its polemical impact. All the same, it is forceful and energetic, and packed with arresting aphorisms that testify to Bakunin’s remarkable intuitive gifts. As a result, God and the State has become the most widely read and frequently quoted of all Bakunin’s works. But perhaps the main reason for its popularity is that, in vivid language and relatively brief compass, it sets forth the basic elements of Bakunin’s anarchist creed.
The keynote of God and the State is Bakunin’s repudiation of authority and coercion in every form. In a withering passage he vents his fury on all the tormentors, all the oppressors, and all the exploiters of humanity—priests, monarchs, statesmen, soldiers, public and private financiers, officials of all sorts, policemen, gendarmes, jailers and executioners, monopolists, economists, politicians of all shades, down to the smallest vendor of sweetmeats.
But the leading institutions of man’s enslavement—"my two bêtes noires, he calls them—are the church and the state. Every state has been an instrument by which a privileged few have wielded power over the immense majority. And every church has been a loyal ally of the state in the subjugation of mankind. Governments throughout history have used religion both as a means of keeping men in ignorance and as a
safety-valve for human misery and frustration. More than that, the very essence of religion is the disparagement of humanity for the greater glory of God.
God being everything, Bakunin writes,
the real world and men are nothing; God being truth, justice, goodness, beauty, power, and life, man is falsehood, inequity, evil, ugliness, impotence, and death. God being master, man is the slave. No less than the state, then, religion is the negation of freedom and equality. Thus if God really exists, Bakunin concludes, inverting a famous dictum of Voltaire’s,
it would be necessary to abolish him."
Bakunin proclaimed an all-out war against the church and the state. If men are to be free, they must throw off the double yoke of spiritual and temporal authority. To accomplish this they must bring to bear the two most precious qualities
with which they are endowed: the power to think and the desire to rebel. Human history itself began with an act of thought and rebellion. If Adam and Eve had obeyed the Almighty