This Week in Asia

South Korea's Asean strategy needs sturdy pillars of understanding to succeed

South Korea's New Southern Policy (NSP) has been a welcome addition in Southeast Asia and has significantly expanded Seoul's economic, cultural and developmental role in the region. But it needs a "boost" to capture more traction with Asean. As President Moon Jae-in's government prepares to unveil NSP 2.0 later this year, efforts are needed to explain Seoul's southern pivot more clearly and identify what challenges and opportunities lie ahead.

The NSP, which Moon unveiled in 2017, was a groundbreaking foreign policy move to consolidate a greater and deeper partnership with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. To match Moon's 2017 election manifesto with the targeted objective of elevating relations with Asean on par with South Korea's four major partners - the United States, China, Russia and Japan - NSP 2.0 will need to describe and explain precisely how Seoul intends to strengthen its ties with Asean to the same level.

While engaging with Asean through NSP 2.0, it is important to ensure that diplomatic speechmaking matches with convincing, on-the-ground action - unfortunately, there is a lengthy history of lofty rhetoric by foreign partners in regards to Southeast Asia with outcomes that fell significantly below expectations. For Seoul to avoid this trap, an unambiguous understanding as to what exactly South Korea means regarding its upgrading of economic, political, and strategic relations with Asean will be useful to avoid any unintended nuances or misunderstandings.

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To be most effective, South Korea's shifting strategy toward Asean needs to move beyond a focus solely on questions of economic prosperity and cultural dimensions to include more issues of a strategic nature. Specifically, NSP 2.0 should be seen as a landmark initiative by Seoul that is not only underpinned by a strong economic imperative but also guided by a strategic thrust.

President Moon Jae-in (centre) toasts to leaders of the five Mekong River nations at a banquet during the summit between South Korea and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2019. Photo: EPA

Beyond developing more broad-based economic engagement across all Asean members to promote sustainable prosperity and enhancing people-to-people exchanges, NSP 2.0 must also focus on much-needed efforts to build a more peaceful and secure East Asia while recognising growing Sino-American tensions in the region.

An NSP 2.0 with a stronger articulation of and pragmatic approach to regional cooperation that supports Asean-led mechanisms based on the open, inclusive and rules-based regional architecture would certainly be welcome, noting Seoul's relatively unique position as an actor that has built significant trust both within Asean as well as among the major powers.

The peace pillar of NSP 2.0 and regional stability could incorporate the following aspects: first, the amplification of Asean norms and initiatives such as Asean's code of conduct in the South China Sea; second, the engagement of Asean to play a more constructive role in achieving peace and security on the Korean peninsula; and third, strengthening cooperation with Asean with the goal of maintaining an international, rules-based system.

As for Asean, it is of vital interest to engage meaningfully and faithfully with Seoul in developing Asean's continued goal of peace and prosperity in the region. By decisively welcoming NSP 2.0, Asean can look forward to expanding and strengthening its relationship with South Korea through a stronger sense of continuity and consistency. At the same time, Asean must be prepared to engage fully with South Korea's new diplomatic agenda to redefine and upgrade Asean's engagement with Asia's fourth-largest economy so as to solidify relations.

Cooperation between the two parties, especially in the area of non-traditional security measures, must encompass a more resilient collaboration in both maritime and mainland Southeast Asia, particularly in the areas of maritime security, climate change, the health of the Mekong River and managing the coronavirus pandemic. For maritime states, potential areas of non-traditional security cooperation include search and rescue operations, natural disaster relief and anti-piracy operations.

Of utmost importance to mainland Southeast Asia in the context of the Mekong River is the demonstration of Seoul's commitment to the river's long-term sustainability. As such, NSP 2.0 should pay greater attention towards food-water-energy security and other threats such as climate change, water shortages and flooding, as well as declining fish stocks and overdamming of waterways. These issues are at the very core of mainland Southeast Asia's future development.

The sustainability of cooperation on these matters - based on the Mekong-Han River Declaration for Establishing Partnership for People, Prosperity and Peace - could include a dedicated strategy for the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) that allows Seoul to use its unique soft power strategy to ultimately strengthen Asean's aspirations to narrow existing development gaps and speed up regional integration among less developed member states while maintaining peace and stability in the GMS.

By working diligently with Asean on these issues, South Korea will continue to build trust and achieve a unique role as a middle-power friend to Asean. By strengthening the peace pillar in NSP 2.0, Seoul's pivot to Asean will ensure a stronger foundation and greater purpose in advancing regional stability and cooperation.

Finally, the South Korean government must ensure that NSP 2.0 remains an open, transparent, inclusive and strategic initiative that functions in tandem with other countries to assist Asean in achieving its community-building goals. Seoul needs to position itself well in this context so as to avoid the perception of competition with countries such as Japan and China, and to maximise the efficacy of NSP 2.0 in Southeast Asia.

Pou Sothirak is the executive director of The Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace

This article originally appeared on the South China Morning Post (SCMP).

Copyright (c) 2020. South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All rights reserved.

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